Tuesday, October 27, 2009

COUNTDOWN: Mwalimu: The Legacy of Julius Kambarage Nyerere - Showing Tomorrow Wed 28th Oct at 8.45 pm Venue: Edinburgh, Filmhouse

Today's Date: 27/10/2009

Mwalimu: The Legacy of Julius Kambarage Nyerere

UK Premiere Book online

By Lekoko Piniel Ole Livilal

Tanzania 2009 52m BetaSP English and Swahili with English subtitles Rating 15 Doc

Showing Wed 28th Oct at 8.45 pm
Venue: Filmhouse

In Tanzania today, Julius Kambarage Nyerere is warmly referred to as "Baba wa Taifa" – the "Father of the Nation". This documentary recognises Nyerere's leadership in the struggle that brought independence to the Tanzania mainland territory of Tanganyika in 1961; then in 1964 brought into being the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar which established the United Republic of Tanzania. During his years as Head of State, President Nyerere's political and intellectual leadership reinforced his reputation as "Mwalimu" or "Teacher". He firmly placed Tanzania at the heart of the Southern Africa liberation struggle which culminated in the end of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic government in South Africa. During his retirement he championed the cause of the Southern countries and influenced the transformation of Tanzania from a one-party state to multi-party politics. In this one-hour documentary various individuals across different generations, including members of his immediate family, discuss how he is remembered and the ideas that define his legacy. October 2009 is the ten-year anniversary of the death of this remarkable African leader, who also had a direct connection to Edinburgh through obtaining a masters degree in history and economics at the University of Edinburgh in 1952.

We are pleased to have Tanzanian filmmaker Lekoko Piniel Ole Livilal present to discuss the film with the audience after the screening. His attendance at the festival is generously sponsored by the University of Edinburgh's Centre of African Studies; the University's International Office; and the Tanzania High Commission in London.

A high-level event commemorating the life of Julius Nyerere is to be held at the University of Edinburgh on 9th November 2009. The event marks ten years since Mwalimu's death, and sixty years since he enrolled at the University to undertake his studies.

Sunday, October 25, 2009

Tujikumbushe: Alichosema Waziri wa Fedha & Uchumi kuhusu Bajeti ya Nishati 2009/2010!

"Nishati na madini imetengewa shilingi bilioni 285.5 ikilinganishwa na shilingi bilioni 378.8 zilizotengwa mwaka 2008/09, sawa na upungufu wa asilimia 24.6. Hali hii imesababishwa na kumalizika mikataba ya kuzalisha umeme kwa makampuni ya kukodi ya Dowans, APR na Aggrekko. Hatua nyingine zinachukuliwa katika mwaka 2009/10 kutafuta mikopo kutoka mashirika ya kimataifa na nchi marafiki ili kuweza kupata rasilimali zaidi za kufanikisha miradi ya nishati nchini. Nchi na mashirika ya fedha ya kimataifa yameonesha nia ya kutusaidia zikiwemo Korea ya Kusini, Saudi Fund, BADEA, na OPEC Fund." - HOTUBA YA WAZIRI WA FEDHA NA UCHUMI MHE. MUSTAFA HAIDI MKULO (MB.), AKIWASILISHA BUNGENI MAPENDEKEZO YA SERIKALI KUHUSU MAKADIRIO YA MAPATO NA MATUMIZI KWA MWAKA 2009/2010

KTY: Kwa mujibu wa hotuba hii ya Bajeti aliyotoa Waziri huyo, kati ya sekta/maeneo 6 "muhimu" ambayo "kwa pamoja yametengewa jumla ya shilingi bilioni 5,103.2 sawa na asilimia 64 ya bajeti yote ya mwaka 2009/10", ni sekta ya nishati na madini tu ambayo bajeti yake ilipungua/ilipunguzwa kutoka kwenye bajeti ya mwaka jana - za zingine 5 zilizobakia ziliongezeka kama takwimu hizi na asilimia zake za ongezeko kwenye mabano zinavyoonyesha:

Elimu: Sh Bilioni 1, 743. 9 kutoka 1,430.4 (22%)

Kilimo: Sh Bilioni 666.9 kutoka 513.0 (30%)

Miundombinu: Sh Bilioni 1,096.6 kutoka 973.3 (12.7%)

Afya: Sh Bilioni 963. 0 kutoka 910.8 (5.7%)

Maji: Sh Bilioni 347.3 kutoka 231.6 (50%)

Swali: Kuna uhusiano gani kati ya maeneo haya 5 yaliyopata ongezeko na eneo la 6 la 'nishati+' lililopata punguzo?

Jibu: Mgawo wa Elimu, Kilimo, Miundombinu, Afya na Maji!

Friday, October 16, 2009

Pambazuka News' Special Issue on Mwalimu Nyerere: How we wish you were here!

Highlights from this issue

How we wish you were here: a tribute to Mwalimu Nyerere - Firoze Manji

Guest edited by Annar Cassam

Nyerere on Nyerere - Annar Cassam
El Mussawar interviews President Nyerere - Nawal El Saadawy
El País interviews President Nyerere - Ana Camacho
President Nyerere on liberation - Annar Cassam
Nyerere and the Commonwealth - Chief Emeka Anyaoku with Annar Cassam
Nyerere, the Organization of African Unity and liberation - Mohamed Sahnoun

Guest edited by Chambi Chachage

But dear Mwalimu - Neema Ndunguru
Racial and religious tolerance in Nyerere’s political thought and practice - Salma Maoulidi
Mwalimu Nyerere’s ideas on land - Ng’wanza Kamata
Mwalimu Nyerere: The artist - Vicensia Shule
Reading history backwards with Mwalimu - Seithy Chachage
Reflecting with Nyerere on people-centered leadership - Marjorie Mbilinyi
Mwalimu Julius Nyerere: An intellectual in power - Haroub Othman
The village in Mwalimu Nyerere's thought - Issa G. Shivji
Nyerere’s vision of economic development - Faustin Kamuzora
Mwalimu in our popular imagination: The relevance of Nyerere today - Chambi Chachage
Mwalimu Nyerere and the challenge of human rights - Helen Kijo-Bisimba & Chris Maina Peter

Thursday, October 15, 2009

Pata Ujumbe, Kuna Cha Kuongeza Kwenye Mlolongo wa Picha?

Ndugu zangu

On the suibject line and at the bottom, kuna swali...

Kwa kujibu, nadhani kipo cha kuongeza. Jibu nadhani ni kuwa tupige mzigo tupunguze malalamiko na tuwe wakujituma, wabunifu, na wepesi wa kushiriki kwenye CIVIC Duties including upigaji kura. I mean we all should push, participate and have a grand voter turn out and civic participation of say 98% of eligible voters having to turn out as an example! What do you think will happen?

Let people not keep "complaining" unconstructively on one side while equally destructively keep ourselves busy listing supposedly good excuses justifying reasons for not doing something or anything constructively to help effect the desired change, at least in the thinking process. Do your part, and do it so well that you are confident and happy you are indeed doing your part so well and so confidently. That is where all the secrets lies. Nothing more, nothing else. Collectively, the desired change will eventually be achieved.

Yakibaki yale yale then we know who to blame. Its You and Only You and Nobody else. It is me and only me and nobody else. It is us! Period.

I think it is time to shift gears from complaining to taking action and consciously and deliberately be part of the whole process.

Apollo Temu






ofisi zetu za ubalozi Washngton DC




Kuna cha kuongeza?



Wednesday, October 14, 2009

Mwalimu Nyerere’s Pan-Africanism as Pan-Humanism

In his lifetime Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere wore many ‘hats’. Some of them were outright contradictory or dilemmatic. But such is the inherent nature of our complex humanity.

We are talking here of someone who was a president of a single party state. Yet he was the chairperson of the same party, which under the ideology of party supremacy, directed his government. Here was a statesman who, as a nationalist, was so concerned about Tanzania yet, as a Pan-Africanist, he was as equally concerned about Africa. But how could one be both?

Mwalimu Nyerere was honest enough to admit that this was indeed a real dilemma. “On the one hand,” he stated in his address on ‘The Dilemma of the Pan-Africanist’ on 13 July 1966, “is the fact that Pan-Africanism demands an African consciousness and an African loyalty.” But “on the other hand,” he noted, “is the fact that each Pan-Africanist must concern himself with the freedom and development of one of the nations of Africa.” To him that nation was Tanzania.

This dilemma also translates to the ‘individual versus society’. In a response to Bill Sutherland’s rhetoric “Ok. Let individuals develop, and let the nations be secondary,” Nyerere thus said on 13 August 1992: “It cannot be. I am telling you, Bill. If the blessed Lord had wanted a planet for myself, He would have done it. He could have made a planet for every single individual but He never did it. He put us in community, and we jolly well have to live as part of it.”

Nyerere thus elaborated this dilemmatic: “Of course, I’m an individual and a member of a community. And the community has conditions. All the commandments – Thou Shalt Not – are about community…individuals, yes – but individuals in the community. Individuals, yes –because I myself am an extremely assertive individual. Nobody can doubt my own commitment to my own individualism, but I am still an individual within the community.”

He developed this humanist outlook in 1966 in ‘A New synthesis of Man and Society’. Therein he argued that an individual’s existence in society involves an inevitable and inescapable conflict of his/her own two main desires: the desire for freedom to pursue his/her own interests and the desire for the freedoms which can only be obtained through life in society. This necessitates the individual to sacrifice, in the interest of the society, certain private freedoms which s/he could have possessed outside the society if it was at all possible to live outside the society.

Herein – in this humanist dilemma – lies Mwalimu Nyerere’s strategy for realizing the Pan-Africanism vision. To Mwalimu, Pan-Africanism was – and is – not only about Tanzanians or Africans for that matter. Rather, it a vision that encompass all humans in all their complexities.

When you have a world with a continent whose people have been tragically denied humanity through racism, colonialism and imperialism what strategy do you need to make that world whole again? Pan-Africanism. But this is not an exclusive Africanism that rejects non-Africans.

A Pan-Africanism that you need in order to re-member a dismembered world is Pan-Humanism. This is the Pan-Africanism that Mwalimu Nyerere among other African humanists espoused. Way back in February 1960 he thus stated in his speech on ‘Africa’s Place in the World’: “Pan-Africanism, at present, is a desire by the African people to work together to undo a situation which they don’t want, and to create a situation which they want, on the African continent.”

That, as Nyerere insisted afterwards, was the then present. Although he was carefully enough not to predict what forms Pan-Africanism would take in the future it is quite clear that, in his vision, it would be Pan-Humanism. Its Africa would be “a Continent of Hope for the Human Race.”

To that end he thus further stated: “The Africa that we must create, the Africa which we must bequeath to posterity, the Africa of our own dreams, cannot be an Africa which is simply free from foreign domination. It must be an Africa which the outside world will look and say: ‘Here is a continent which has truly free human beings’. The outside world should be able to say, ‘If you really want to see how free people who live up to their ideals of human society, go to Africa. That is the continent of hope for the human race.’”

What does the world see when it looks at Africa today? Does it see that universal human hope? Or does it see what Tony Blair stereotypically dubbed the ‘scar on the conscience of the world’?

If Nyerere, one of the finest sons of Africa, could be christened ‘the conscience of Africa’, why shouldn’t that qualify him to be ‘the conscience of the world’? Why isn’t his Africa the conscience of the world today? Or is it?

Let us all rekindle Africa’s vision of Pan-Africanism as Pan-Humanism. After all “Africa’s own tradition, her moral strength, her lack of ties with one power bloc or another, and that sentiments of oneness which the centuries of suffering have built among all her people, “ as Mwalimu Nyerere noted in the famous year of Africa’s Independence, “can together fit her for the role.”

That way we will honour Nyerere’s main ‘hat’. He was a human first. A Pan-Humanist indeed.

© Chambi Chachage

Tuesday, October 13, 2009


“Katika nchi kama yetu, ambamo Waafrika ni masikini na wageni ni matajari, kuna uwezekano mkubwa kwamba Mwafrika akiruhusiwa kuiuza ardhi yake katika miaka themanini au mia moja ijayo, ardhi yote ya Tanganyika itamilikiwa na matajiri wageni na wenyeji watakuwa watwana. Lakini hata kama wageni wasingekuwa matajiri, litaibuka tabaka la Watanganyika matajiri na wajanja. Tukiruhusu ardhi iuzwe kama kanzu, katika muda mchache kutakuwa na kundi dogo la Waafrika wakiwa na ardhi na walio wengi watakuwa watwana” JKN 1958 (Uhuru na Umoja)

Haya ni maneno ya Baba wa Taifa hayati Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere aliyoyatoa mnamo mwaka wa 1958 wakati wa vuguvugu la kupigania uhuru katika makala yake iitwayo Mali ya Taifa. Kimsingi muktadha hasa uliopelekea kuandikwa kwa makala hiyo ilikuwa ni jaribio la Waingereza kuingiza nchini mfumo wa umiliki ardhi usiokuwa na ukomo (freehold). Ikumbukwe kwamba suala hili lilipendekezwa na Tume ya Malkia ya 1953-1955 iliyofanya zoezi hili katika nchi zote tatu zilizokuwa chini ya utawala wa Mwingereza (Kenya,Tanganyika na Uganda). Kwa mtazamo wa tume hiyo ,mfumo huo ulionekana ni bora zaidi ikilinganishwa na mfumo wa umilki ardhi wa pamoja chini ya misingi ya mila na desturi za makabila mbalimbali. Kimsingi pendekezo hilo lililenga zaidi kuingiza mfumo wa soko huria katika kuratibu suala zima la mfumo wa milki ya ardhi.

Kwa mtazamo wa Mwalimu, kuruhusu mfumo wa aina hiyo sio tu kungeleta matabaka ya wenye ardhi na watwana lakini pia kwa mazingira ya nchi yetu ingekuwa chanzo cha machafuko ya kijamii. Pendekezo hilo lilikubalika kwa majirani zetu Kenya na ikawa ndiyo chanzo kikubwa kwa walalahai na walalaheri wa huko kujilimbikizia maeneo makubwa ya ardhi mpaka kufikia hatua baadhi yao kumiliki eneo lenye ukubwa kama nchi ya Rwanda! Hapa nchini baada ya kupata upinzani kutoka kwa viongozi wa kisiasa wa wakati huo wakiongozwa na Mwalimu Nyerere wazo lilizikwa rasmi miaka ya mwanzoni ya uhuru. Mwalimu kimsingi aliichukulia ardhi kama zawadi kutoka kwa Mungu kwa ajili ya watu wote na si kundi la wachache.

Baada ya kupata uhuru, kimsingi sheria ya Kikoloni ilifanyiwa marekebisho madogo ila msingi wa sheria ulibakia pale pale. Kutokana na mapungufu katika sheria hiyo wazalishaji wadogo, wakulima kwa wafugaji na makundi mengineyo, yaliathirika sana hasa lilipokuja suala la uhakika wa miliki. Pamoja na kwamba serikali ya awamu ya kwanza chini ya Mwalimu ilikuwa na nia na lengo zuri la kuwakwamua Watanzania kutoka katika lindi la umaskini katika utekelezaji kupitia Sheria ya Ardhi ya Kikoloni ya Mwaka 1923 walio wengi walijikuta wakipoteza haki zao.

Uanzishwaji wa mashamba ya lililokuwa Shirika la Kilimo na Chakula (NAFCO), Ranchi za Taifa (NARCO) na upanukaji wa maeneo ya hifadhi ni mifano michache tu inayoonyesha jinsi ambayo haki za watu juu ya ardhi zilivyopokwa. Kimsingi ardhi ilipokwa kutoka mikononi mwa wananchi ama kwa maana nyingine umma na kuwekwa mikononi mwa dola sio katika wakati wa Mwalimu tu bali toka enzi za ukoloni! Kwa hiyo utaifishaji na mengineyo yaliyofuatia yalikuwa ni sehemu tu ya kile tulichokirithi toka kwa wakoloni.

Lengo la makala hii siyo kuangalia yaliyotokea hasa wakati huo wa Mwalimu, lakini hasa ni kujikita katika msingi wa mtazamo wake katika kipindi cha kupigania uhuru. Je aliyoyasema Mwalimu mnamo mwaka 1958 katika kipindi chetu yamepoteza maana ama yanasadifu yanayotokea sasa? Baada ya kukaa na sheria hiyo ya kikoloni kwa takribani miongo saba (1923-1999) serikali kwa kufuata mapendekezo ya Tume ya Rais ya Uchunguzi wa Migogoro ya Ardhi ya Mwaka 1991 iliamua kutunga sheria mpya za Ardhi mnamo mwaka 1999.

Sheria ya Ardhi Namba 4 na Sheria ya Ardhi ya Vijiji Namba 5 za mwaka 1999, pamoja na mazuri yaliyokuwamo katika sheria hizi bado msingi wake mkuu unabaki kuwa sheria ya kikoloni kwa maana ya kulimbikiza nguvu nyingi mikononi mwa dola. Ardhi inatajwa kuwa mali ya Umma lakini kivitendo ni mali ya serikali zaidi kuliko kuwa ya umma! Sheria hizi zilifanyiwa marekebisho mnamo mwaka wa 2004 ambayo kinyume kabisa na Mwalimu marekebisho hayo yanatambua ardhi tupu ambayo haijaendelezwa kuwa ina thamani na pia yanaruhusu ardhi kuuzwa kama bidhaa nyingineyo yoyote katika soko!

Katika makala yake ya 1958, Mwalimu ameendelea kutanabahisha wazi kuwa “wakati watu wengi watakapokubali njia ambayo itawawezesha wachache kumiliki ardhi ambayo kwa kweli ni zawadi ya Mungu kwa watu wote, watakuwa wanaukubali utumwa kwa hiari yao wenyewe.” Ni nini taathira ya mabadiliko ya sheria ya ardhi ya mwaka 2004? Je, tunaweza kusema utabiri wa Mwalimu katika hili umetimia? Je kumeibuka kundi la Watanzania matajiri wajanja wachache ambao kazi yao ni kuwanunua waungwana tuliosalia tusio na hili wala lile tukisogezwa pembezoni zaidi?

Wakati wa uongozi wa awamu ya tatu Mkuu wa kaya wa wakati huo alishangaa kuona wanakaya wakiwa hawafaidi matunda ya mageuzi ya soko huria hivyo aliamua kwenda Peru na kutafuta mwarobaini wa tatizo hilo la Watanzania kutofaidi matunda, matokeo yake ndiyo marudio ya yale ambayo Tume ya Malkia ilipendekeza lakini kwa mtazamo wa kuwa kila kipande amilikishwe mtu binafsi kwa kuwa masuala ya umiliki wa pamoja ni mambo ya Ujamaa uliokwishapitwa na wakati! Pamoja na hayo hii ndiyo njia rahisi ya kupata ardhi kwa Watanzania wajanja wachache ama wageni matajiri kwani badala ya kuongea na ukoo sasa wataongea na mtu binafsi!

Ukitembelea vijiji vya pembezoni mwa miji yetu utagundua kuwa wamilki wa awali sasa wamebakia kuwa watwana katika ardhi zao kwa kuwa walishauza ili kukidhi haja na shida zao mbalimbali. Kwa kuwa Watanzania walio wengi tegemeo lao kubwa ni ardhi machafuko ya kijamii ambayo Mwalimu aliyahofia enzi zake kuwa kama tusipokuwa makini yanaweza kutokea leo hii yamekuwa ni nyimbo za kawaida katika vyombo vya habari! Mashamba makubwa yaliyochukuliwa na serikali kwa lengo zuri la kuifaidisha jamii nzima leo hii yamebinafsishwa na mara nyingine mashamba yamebinafishwa hata pale ambapo wanavijiji waishio jirani nayo wanayahitaji wa ardhi.

Migogoro ya Arumeru, Kilimanjaro, Tanga, Morogoro ni mifano tu ya jinsi ambavyo jamii imechoshwa na mgawanyo wa rasilimali unaofaidisha kundi dogo la wateule huku wana wa nchi wakitaabika kutafuta wapi pa kukamata! Wimbi la ujio wa wageni wanaotamani ardhi yetu nalo bila shaka katika miaka michache ijayo itaongezea petroli katika moto ambao kama hatutakuwa makini katika kipindi hiki utalipuka.

Tuliokuwepo sasa tumesahau kuwa kama alivyotuasa Mwalimu ardhi ni mali yetu lakini hasa ni mali ya vizazi vijavyo na hivyo basi tumekabidhiwa kama dhamani kwa ajili ya kutuwezesha sisi lakini hasa kukiandalia mazingira mazuri kizazi kitakachofuata. Bila shaka huu ulikuwa ni msingi wa kuweka msisitizo katika jamii za Kitanzania kuwa msitari wa mbele hasa kuanzia ngazi ya familia na Kijiji katika kujumuika kwa pamoja kujiletea maendeleo.

Leo hii tunamikakati mbalimbali na hivi karibuni ulizinduliwa Mkakati wa Kilimo Kwanza, je Kilimo Kwanza ni kwa ajili ya kundi gani? Kilimo Kwanza kinamlenga nani? Je, kimetambua nafasi ya hili kundi la wazalishaji wadogo hasa akina Mama ambao kimsingi ndio wanaolilisha taifa?

Hapa ikumbukwe kuwa Mwalimu alishapata kusema juu ya jinsi akina baba wa Kitanzania wanavyotumia muda wao! Nusu ya maisha yao wapo likizo huku kazi za shamba zikifanywa na akina Mama. Je, nafasi ya akina Mama imetambuliwa na Kilimo Kwanza? Ama ndiyo mikakati ya kuwezesha Watanzania matajiri wajanja wachache kunyakua maeneo makubwa ya ardhi kwa kisingizio cha Kilimo Kwanza?

Katika Azimio la Kilimo Kwanza kuna pendekezo la kufanyia marekebisho Sheria ya Ardhi ya Vijiji ili kuwezesha upatikanaji wa ardhi uwe rahisi! Urahisi huu unalenga katika nini? Vijiji kama vijiji imeshindikana kuviwezesha ili viwe msingi wa Kilimo Kwanza kwa kutumia ardhi zao, au Kilimo Kwanza kinanoga mpaka Lifanyabiashara Bepari moja likitoka Dar es Salaam na kwenda kunyakua ardhi ya wana wa Rufiji?

Nimalizie makala yangu ya kumbukizi ya Baba wa Taifa kwa kusema kuwa masahibu wanayopitia majirani zetu sio majanga ya asili ila ni kazi ya akili za binadamu. Tukiachia hulka za kibinafsi zitawale maamuzi na mienendo yetu ya kimaisha hii amani tujivuniayo sasa itayeyuka kama inavyoyeyuka sasa barafu katika Mlima wa Kilimanjaro. Tukumbuke kuwa panapofuka moshi moto hufuatia.

Tukiruhusu ardhi iuzwe kama kanzu, katika muda mchache kutakuwa na kundi dogo la Waafrika wakiwa na ardhi na walio wengi watakuwa watwana na vizazi vya watwana havitakubali hili hivyo tutakuwa tumekiandalia kizazi kitakachofuata zawadi ya vita na machafuko kwa tamaa ya kujilimbikizia kila kipande cha ardhi.

© Bernard Baha

Monday, October 12, 2009

If You Want To Invest At Least Your 30 minutes To Reframe the "African question" And Avoid the Single Story ... Here's Hope! Plus plenty more...

[1] Beautifully presented and in perspective!


"About this talk

Our lives, our cultures, are composed of many overlapping stories. Novelist Chimamanda Adichie tells the story of how she found her authentic cultural voice -- and warns that if we hear only a single story about another person or country, we risk a critical misunderstanding.

About Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

Inspired by Nigerian history and tragedies all but forgotten by recent generations of westerners, Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's novels and stories are jewels in the crown of diasporan literature. " Full bio and more links


[2] and don't miss Andrew Mwenda's Talk


"About this talk (In Arusha Tanzania)

In this provocative talk, journalist Andrew Mwenda asks us to reframe the "African question" -- to look beyond the media's stories of poverty, civil war and helplessness and see the opportunities for creating wealth and happiness throughout the continent.

About Andrew Mwenda

Journalist Andrew Mwenda has spent his career fighting for free speech and economic empowerment throughout Africa. He argues that aid makes objects of the poor -- they become passive…" Full bio and more links

Karibu kwenye ulingo wa kutafakari kuhusu tunapotoka,tulipo,tuendako na namna ambavyo tutafika huko tuendako/Welcome to a platform for reflecting on where we are coming from, where we are, where we are going and how we will get there

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