Thursday, June 23, 2011



4:00 Asubuhi - 10:00 Jioni

Ratiba ya Watoto na Vijana
-Kucheza na maneno, semi, hadithi, methali, mashairi, n.k
(Mashindano, Uvumbuzi, Chemsha bongo, n.k)
-Maonyesho ya kazi za fasihi na sanaa za watoto jukwaani
(Ukitaka kushiriki njoo na kazi uliyokwisha andaa)
-Kona ya uandishi wa fasihi-hadithi, mashairi, nk-kwa watoto
(Leta kazi unayotaka kuiboresha)

10:00 Jioni - 3:00 Usiku
Ratiba ya Vijana Wakubwa na Wazee
- Muziki, Ushairi wa jukwaani, na sanaa nyingine za maonyesho
-(Watakuwepo Man Kifimbo wa Bagamoyo, Rebel Sons, n.k)
-Pia kutakuwa na fursa ya washiriki kuonyesha vipaji vyao vya fasihi na sanaa jukwaani

Vitabu, Chakula, na Vinywaji Vitauzwa Dukani na Kaunta

Mlingotini Close, Kitalu No 53, Mtaa wa Regent, Dar es Salaam

Friday, June 17, 2011

Eviction Order in Meatu: Pastoralists in Dilemma!

Access A Media Fact-Finding Report At:

Thursday, June 16, 2011

A Tale of Two Lectures on Africa at ECAS 4

The Fourth European Conference on African Studies (ECAS 4) started yesterday in Uppsala, Sweden. Over a 1,000 participants have converged to address the thematic question; African Engagements: On Whose Terms? They include notable African/Africanist thinkers such as Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, Valentin Mudimbe, Karin Barber, Thandika Mkandawire, Rita Abrahmsen, Dismas Masolo and John Lonsdale among others. One of the key highlights of the first day was the 'lectures in contrast' delivered by Peter Ekeh and Issa Shivji.

In his provocative Lugard Lecture entitled Basil Davidson and the Culture of the African State, Ekeh left the audience dumbfounded by shifting the origin of the crisis of the post-colonial African state(s) to the 'pre-colonial' era of 'Arab/Muslim invasion' rather than the colonial age of 'European/Christian conquest'. Ekeh locates the ancient battle between Songhai and Morocco in the 16th century - within the context of the British battle with the Spanish Armada and the war between Portugal and Morocco - as the key moment in which a/the 'black African state' was destroyed to set the precedent of redirecting the character of the African state. To him this Arab/Muslim 'redirection' reached its zenith during the Sokoto Caliphate under Usman Dan Fodio whereby, he claims, its 'Fulani Revolution' entrenched a monarchical setup rather than the democratic system of individual liberty that allegedely characterised the French Revolution and the American Declaration of Independence which also occured in the same century. He thus postulates that Lord Lugard's indirect rule - and the attendant imperial/colonial conquest in the 19th century -was an extension, or rather, affirmation of what the African state had already evolved to, that is, a 'failed/failing state'.

By 'shifting the blame' to 'Muslim Arabs' in the current context of the 'War on Terror', Ekeh downplays the role - and even dismisses the long duree history - of European imperial conquest of orientalizing the world. He thus falls into the trap of demonizing the 'Muslim Arabs'. Ekeh also does a disservice to African, nay, global/world historiography by explaining away the nature of colonialism and imperialism with a far fetched case study from the 16th century that does not account to what happened in the 15th century when Vasco da Gama and his Portuguese conquistadors circumnavigated Africa, let alone what befell Carthage. His postulates does not explain the character of the African state in southern Africa when and after Jan van Riebeeck landed in the Cape in the 17 century nor does it capture its character when the Kingdom of Kongo had skewed 'diplomatic relations' with Portugal. Morever, it bypasses the experience of British imperialism in India and how it informed the way Lord Lugard introduced Indirect Rule in Africa.

Such a historical blindspot is/was 'incidentall'y addressed immediately in Shivji's keynote lecture on The Struggle to Convert Nationalism to Pan-Africanism: Taking Stock of 50 Years of Independence. It's opening paragraph thus locates the periodization of European conquest:

"The post-Vasco da Gama epoch of some five centuries, as Panniker calls it, is a story of the 'West and the Rest'. The West constructed its own story and the story of the rest. It is a story of plunder, privation, invasion and destruction; it is a story of permanent wars and passing peace. It is a story of the annihilation of pre-European civilizations from the Incas of the Americas, so called after the European explorer Amerigo Vespucci, to the Swahili civilisation of the Eastern Coast of Africa. The title of a book describing the Spanish conquest of Mexico, the near-extermination of the Tasmanian Aborigines by the British, the white American dispossession of the Apache, and the German subjugation of the Herero and Nama of Namibia sums it all: Rivers of Blood, Rivers of Gold".

Ekeh's attempt to over-play the role of 'Arab/Islam' and downplay that of 'European/Christianity' thus inevitable lose sight of this decisive moment in the history of world that Shivji captures:

"As the Portugues privateers were devastating the African coast in the last quarter of the 15th century, so Spanish conquerers were discovering the "New World". Vasco da Gama laid the foundation of the European invasion of Africa. Christopher Columbus inaugurated the extermination of the indigeneous populations of the Americas and the Carribean...One led to white hegemony, the other to white settlement. From then on, the fate of the three continents was inextricably linked and found its immediate expressioin in the triangular slave trade"

Wednesday, June 15, 2011


The 21st Century Image of Africa in Europe?

An Airport Somewhere in the Netherlands, 2011
A Railway Station Somewhere in Germany, 2009


Ufuatao ni ushauri uliotolewa na Naibu Makamu Mkuu wa Chuo Kikuu Cha Dar es Salaam Kuhusu Tetesi za Uwepo wa Chui katika Maeneo ya Kampasi ya Mlimani:

Chui ni mmoja wa wanyama wa jamii ya paka na ni mnyama hatari. Pamoja na hayo chui ni
msiri sana na jamii inaweza kuishi na chui sehemu moja kwa muda mrefu bila watu kufahamu kuwa yupo. Hii ni kwa sababu chui huwa wakati wote anawakwepa watu na sio kawaida yake kushambulia watu. Aidha kila aina ya mnyama ana umbali ambao akiona mtu au mnyama mwenzake au hatari yoyote basi ana utashi wa kuamua kukimbia au kushambulia. Umbali huu kitalaamu unajulikana kama “flight distance”. Umbali huu wanyama hujiwekea miongoni mwao na pia unahusu umbali ambao mnyama anaweza kukimbia hatari . “Flight distance” kwa hiyo hutofautiana baina ya wanyama na pia kwa mnyama mmoja inaweza kuwa tofauti kutegemea na mazingira. Endapo mnyama atamuona mtu akiwa karibu zaidi ya “flight distance” anaweza kudhani kuwa mtu huyo alikuwa anamvizia kwa lengo la kumshambulia; hivyo anaweza kushambulia kwa kujihami ingawa mtu aliyeshambuliwa ataona kuwa ameshambuliwa kwa makusudi na huyo mnyama. Watu wanashauriwa kutomchokoza chui endapo watakutana naye. Inashauriwa pia kuwa ukikutana naye kwanza kwa haraka soma mazingira na ukiweza muangalie usoni ili umsome malengo yake na mara nyingi chui ataacha kukuangalia na atakimbilia porini kwani ana kawaida ya kuona aibu. Uamuzi wa mtu kukimbia inabidi uchukuliwe kwa tahadhari sana kwani unaweza kumfanya chui aanze kumfukuza mtu ambaye mara tu baada ya kuonana anaanza kukimbia. Pia endapo chui ana watoto watu wasiwakaribie kabisa watoto na endapo watoto wa chui kwa vile ni watundu na wanapenda sana kucheza na kila mtu wanaweza kumkimbilia mtu basi ni vizuri mtu huyo kuwakimbia maana mama yao atashambulia bila kutoa tahadhari yoyote endapo ataona mtu amewakaribia watoto wake na bila kujali kuwa watoto wa chui ndio watakuwa wamemkimbilia huyo mtu.

Soma Taarifa Kamili Hapa: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Wanazuoni/message/9742

Thursday, June 9, 2011

The Life and Times of a Black Panther in Tanzania

"It saddens us to learn of Geronimo’s untimely passing. But what is even more disheartening is the lack of knowledge within Tanzania about the man and what he stood for. Some are asking, ‘Geronimo ni nani?’ and ‘Why did he choose to live in Tanzania?’ But these are questions that merely scratch the surface. History is a funny thing, often ignored by people who think it’s about rote memorization. Other times, the state takes an active role in its silencing, especially when it comes to histories of radicalism, that’s if it can’t be repackaged into a national narrative that makes the state look good. In either case, Geronimo Ji-Jaga has fallen within the cracks of historical amnesia, making his passing all the more devastating to those who knew him personally and to those who knew him through his written and spoken word" - SETH MARKLE and MEJAH MBUYA on Remembering G: Death of a Black Panther at http://www.counterpunch.org/markle06082011.html

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

Crossing the Sea With Maya The Poet at Soma

Monday, June 6, 2011

The State of the then NAFCO, NARCO and Absentee Landlord's Farms/Ranches in Tanzania

Access the report co-authored by Chambi Chachage and Richard Mbunda through the link below:

Thursday, June 2, 2011

Hamba Khale Albertina Sisulu (1918 - 2011)!

You Indeed Embodied Freedom in Our Lifetime!

Unalikumbuka Baraza Hili la Mawaziri Vijana?

Kujivua Gamba Katika Falsafa Ya Kiafrika


Na Jason Ishengoma

Malumbano yanayoendelea ndani ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) kati ya vikundi vya chama hicho yanatia kinyaa. Yote hayo yanatokana na dhana ambayo haikufanyiwa uchambuzi kifalsafa kabla ya kuitangaza na kuisambaza nchi nzima. Dhana ya kujivua gamba ilitolewa bila kuangalia alama (symbol) iliyotumika kama inaashiria kiashiriwa kinacholingana na lile lililotakiwa kufanywa. Gamba lililoashiriwa ni lile la nyoka. Je, ishara ya nyoka inaweza kueleza kwa makini na ufasaha kile ambacho CCM kama chama wanatakiwa, na siyo wanataka, wafanye?

Kwa muda nimekuwa nikifuatilia mazungumzo ya wana wa nchi hii kuhusu dhana iliyotangazwa na Mwenyekiti wa CCM ya kujivua gamba. Kinachonifurahisha ni kuona na kusikia kwamba Watanzania wa tabaka mbalimbali wanaweza kudaka, kuchambua, kuchangia na kulieleza jambo ambalo linasemwa na wakubwa ambao wanatakiwa kuwa viongozi wao. Kwa mwezi wa Mei nimepata kusafiri sehemu tatu tofauti kabisa za nchi yetu.

Nimejikuta niko Rukunyu kandokando ya ziwa Victoria kwenye pembe ya mpaka kati ya Tanzania na Uganda. Nikiwa kwenye kilabu nikishirikishana mawazo na walala hoi ambao kinywaji na kiburudisho chao baada ya suluba ya siku nzima ni gongo ambayo wenyeji wanaiita konyagi, watu wakaanza mjadala kuhusu dhana ya chama tawala ya kujivua gamba. Wengine wakaiunga mkono na wengine wakaibeza. Siwezi kusema ni kundi lipi lilishinda bali nikapata somo kwamba wana wa nchi hii hawako mbali na wanayosema viongozi ambao wamekuwa watawala wao.

Wiki mbili baadae nikapata nafasi ya kutembelea kijiji cha Chilungutwa wilaya ya Masasi kusini kabisa mwa Tanzania. Kule nako nikakutana na wenyeji wakulima wa kawaida nao wanajadili mambo ya siasa ya nchi yetu. Nao pia waligusia dhana ya kujivua gamba wakiifafanua na kuichangia moto. Wote katika utofauti na umbali kijiografia wao; walieleza dhana ya kujivua gamba kwa kutumia kiashiria cha nyoka kama inavyoakisia dhana yenyewe. Walifananisha kujivua gamba na nyoka mwenyewe ambaye ni kiumbe hai na ambaye kama kiumbe ana maumbile yaliyoko ndani mwake na ambayo hayahitaji utashi wa kitu kingine ili yatokee.

Mwezi huo huo wa Mei nikapata nafasi ya kutembelea Unguja. Kule nikazungumza na wananchi juu ya mambo mbalimbali likiwemo ya kisiasa. Waunguja wa Zanzibar hawakugusa sana dhana ya kujivua gamba; wao waliguswa sana na serikali ya umoja wa kitaifa iliyozaa serikali ya maridhiano.

Katika mazungumzo na ndugu zangu wa Zanzibar nilipata swali moja kuhusu siasa za kiafrika: hivi kweli Waafrika tuna mtazamo kisiasa wa ushindani ambao unajenga msingi wa vyama vingi vya siasa au tuna mtazamo kisiasa wenye msingi wa maelewano? Tofauti kati ya dhana hizi mbili ni kwamba, dhana ya ushindani inahitaji mwingine abaki na utofauti wake, ili kila mmoja katika utofauti wake aweze kuonyesha kwamba yeye ni zaidi ya mwingine katika kile wanachokishindania. Hii ni dhana ambayo inataka kila mtu abaki katika kutokubaliana ila wote wakubali kutokubaliana. Wanafanya ushawishi ili wananchi walio raia wachague kati ya mmoja wao.

Baadhi ya Wazanzibar wa vyama vidogo vya siasa, kwa kutilia msingi wa maridhiano na siyo kushindana, wanaona kama wao wameonewa kwa vile, pamoja na udogo wao bado walitakiwa wawemo katika serikali ya maridhiano. Maana yake ni kwamba, serikali inapaswa kuwawakilisha wote wadogo kwa wakubwa. Iwawakilishe vipi hilo siyo swali kwa wenye dhana hiyo, bali wanaona na kutaka wote katika uwote wao wawakilishwe.

Kilichonisukuma kuandika makala hii siyo kujadili yale waliyozungumza wale niliokutana nao kwa kipindi kidogo cha mwezi Mei; ila somo nililolipata kwenye mazungumzo na majadiliano yao.
La kwanza na kubwa zaidi nimejifunza kwamba Kiswahili kimeifanya nchi yetu iwe moja zaidi ya tunavyofikiria. Kwa kuona watu wa sehemu tofauti kabisa na sehemu zenye umbali mkubwa kiasi hicho wanaguswa na kuzungumzia jambo moja, ilinifundisha jambo kubwa nalo ni umoja wa kitaifa; ingawa kuna “walevi” wachache; kwa kutumia msemo wa mwanazuoni wa kitanzania Euphrase Kezilahabi na mtunzi wa riwaya ya Gamba la Nyoka; wanaotaka kuuharibu na kuuvunja pamoja na kwamba tunu hii inatunzwa na Kiswahili.

Katika mojawapo ya uchangiaji, wachangiaji walitumia, kufafanua na kudurusu dhana ile ambayo inatokana na maumbile ya kiumbe hai anayeitwa nyoka. Kwa maumbile yake, nyoka anabadili au kujivua gamba lake kadri anavyoongezeka umbile lake. Gamba ambalo ni sehemu ya nje ya nyoka, pamoja na kufanya kazi ya kumlinda nyoka dhidi ya baridi au joto, humpa uonekano wake.

Alama ya nyoka iliyotumiwa kutoa na kuwakilisha kile viongozi wa CCM walichotaka kifanyike imenikumbusha dhana-kifalsafa-kiafrika, hasa ya wale wanaofuata mafundisho ya Placide Temple, kwamba Mwafrika anaamini katika uwepo wa nguvu hai (Force Vitale) katika kila kitu kiwacho. Nguvu hai hiyo ndiyo inakipa kitu ukiwe wake; yaani ndiyo inafanya kitu kiwe kama kilivyo. Nguvu hai hiyo inaweza kuongezeka au kupungua kwa jinsi inavyojioanisha na nguvu hai iliyo juu zaidi. Kwa maneno mengine, kitu kinakuwepo kwa kuwa na nguvu iliyomo ndani mwake na inayokifanya kitu kibadilike au kwa uzuri, yaani kuongezeka; au kwa ubaya, yaani kupungua nguvu hizo. Nguvu hiyo inafuata nafasi ya ngazi ambayo kitu husika kinashikilia. Mtu anashikilia nafasi ya juu zaidi kati ya viumbe hai kuliko mnyama, mnyama anashikilia nafasi ya juu zaid kuliko mmea na mmea unashikilia nafasi ya juu kuliko kitu kisicho na uhai. Katika mlolongo huu wa kuwa na nguvu-hai kwa kila kitu, nafasi ya kitu ni muhimu sana.

Kwa kufuata mafundisho au imani hiyo naona muasisi wa dhana ya kujivua gamba alitoa dhana hiyo kama mwafrika anayeamini, kwa kujua au kwa kutojua, kwamba CCM ni kitu hai chenye nguvu hai ambacho kinaweza kuongeza au kupunguza nguvu-hai yake. Kwa vile CCM, kama kitu hai, inaonekana kupunguza nguvu-hai yake, kinachotakiwa ni kujiongezea nguvu-hai yake kwa kuondoa u-nje, yaani gamba, ambao ndio unakifanya chama hicho kikose mvuto mbele ya umma.

Je, dhana hiyo ina nguvu au udhaifu gani kifalsafa? Kwa kutumia dhana ya kiumbe hai (nyoka) tukitambua kwamba nguvu hiyo imo ndani ya kitu hicho, yaani ni sehemu mahsusi ya kiumbe hicho tunaifanya CCM ionekane au kueleweka kama kiumbe hai kinachojiendesha chenyewe na ndiyo maana kinajipa jukumu la kujivua gamba. Je, hii ni sawa na sahihi?

Tukifuata mapokeo ya CCM hiyo hiyo na kwa kudurusu fikra na maono ya Waasisi wake tutagundua kwamba Mwl. Nyerere alipoona nchi ina matatizo na inahitaji marekebisho makubwa kama kilivyo Chama Cha Mapinduzi, alitumia alama ya nyumba na siyo ya kiumbe hai. Alisema, ukijenga nyumba ukaipamba na kuona kuwa ni nzuri na imara, hauwezi kuwa na uhakika wa uimara wake hadi pale itakapopata msukosuko mkubwa wa mvua au kimbunga. Mvua na kimbunga zikitokea nyumba hiyo ikapata nyufa, utapata nafasi ya kurekebisha nyufa hizo na kama zinagusa msingi utalazimika kuvunja nyumba hiyo na kuijenga upya kwenye msingi mpya. Kwa kutumia dhana ya nyumba na siyo ya nyoka, Mwalimu alitumia dhana inayoonyesha kwamba CCM au Taifa ni matunda au tokeo la watu ambao wanafikiri na kuweka fikra zao katika uhalisia. Taifa kama kilivyo chama cha siasa ni tokeo la fikra na siyo tunda la maumbile.

Ukitumia dhana ya nyoka kwa kutoa fikra za namna ya kukifanya chama kiwe hai, unaleta wazo la kifo ambalo linatisha. Wazo la kifo ndilo linalazimisha tendo la kujivua gamba maana kisipojivua gamba hilo hakina namna nyingine ila kufa. Wazo la kujivua gamba siyo wazo linalotokana na fikra tunduizi. Ni wazo linalotokana na ulazima wa kimaumbile, sharti la kuendelea kuishi. Wazo la nyoka (yaani CCM) linamfanya “mwenye nyoka” (wana CCM) awe kibaraka wa kitu chake; badala ya kuwa mtengenezaji au muumba wake. CCM haijimiliki wala kujiendesha (kama nyoka) bali ilianzishwa,tena inamilikiwa na kuendeshwa na wana CCM.

Wazo la jengo tofauti na wazo la nyoka, linalompa mjenzi au mwenye jengo, kuwa na uwezo juu ya jengo lake. Anaweza kuangalia kama jengo hilo ni imara au linalingana na matakwa yake ya wakati huu. Na kutokana na kuangalia kwake anaweza au akalikarabati au hata kulivunja, akachukua baadhi ya vipande vya jengo lake la zamani na kujenga jipya linaloendana na mahitaji ya wakati huo. Hataogopa matokeo yake, maana jengo tofauti na nyoka, haliwezi kufa, litabomolewa. Na likibomolewa, yeye kama mjenzi atafanya kama kile anachotuasa Kezilahabi katika riwaya yake ya Mzingile: “maisha ni kama mkufu, unachukua kipande hiki unakiunganisha na kingine. Kile kisichokufaa kiache kitamfaa mwingine”.

CCM ya sasa haiwezi kupata nguvu na mvuto mpya kwa kujivua gamba. Tena gamba lenyewe ni la nyoka analojivua mwenyewe na wala si la mti ambalo linatoka lenyewe. Sana sana inachoweza kufanya CCM ni kuishia kujikata vipande vipande ambavyo labda havionekani kuhatarisha uhai wake wakati ikibaki ni ile ile yenye chembechembe zile zile ambazo hazikidhi mahitaji mapya ya wakati uliopo.

CCM lazima ibomolewe. Ichukue vipande vile vinavyofaa iviunganishe na vingine; vile visivyoifaa iviache vitawafaa wengine. Baada ya kuchambua vifaa vya zamani na kuangalia vipya vinavyofaa kwa jengo inalolitaka; ijenge jengo jipya linaloweza kustahimili mikikimikiki ya wakati huu. Kuondoa mabaka na bati linalovuja kwenye nyumba ambayo msingi wake unalegalega, ni kujidanganya. Katika lugha inayoeleweka; kuwanyooshea vidole baadhi ya wanachama wa CCM na kutishia kuwaondoa eti chama kitakuwa safi ni uongo wa mchana. Haviwezi kuleta mabadiliko katika CCM. Yataishia kwa kikundi kimoja kunyoshea mkono kikundi kingine na vurugu za namna hii zitashinda kwa kutegemea utashi wa fedha na siyo utashi wa kisiasa.

Nini kifanyike katika kubomoa jengo la sasa la CCM na kulijenga jipya?

Uongozi wa CCM hauna budi kuangalia upya katiba yake: imani yake, madhumuni na lengo lake; pamoja na kupanga njia za kufikia lengo na madhumuni hayo. Kuangalia mfumo wa chama kama vile uwakilishi kutoka wilayani badala ya mkoani, bado haitoshi. Mfumo hauji kabla ya Sera. Sera kwanza mfumo baadae. Baada ya kuweka wazi sera inayokiongoza chama ndipo iweke vigezo vya wale wanaoweza kuwa viongozi kwa kuangalia kama matendo na maisha yao yanalingana na imani na sera ya chama.

Kwa mfano, hauwezi ukawa na chama kinachoamini katika kutetea wakulima na wafanyakazi ambacho kitakubali wanaotunga mikakati ya chama chake imkubali kabaila au bepari anayeajiri wafanyakazi wengi awe mmoja wa wajumbe wa Halmashauri Kuu. Kabaila au bepari hawezi kutunga sheria au ilani za kumlinda mkulima wa kawaida au mfanyakazi. Yeye kama mfanyabiashara atataka wakati wote awe na sheria inayolinda na kumpa faida zaidi. Hilo halihitaji msomi wa Ph.D. kulitambua. Akili ya kawaida kabisa tunayozaliwa nayo inang’amua hayo.

Baada ya kuwa viongozi wa CCM wameandaa muswada mpya wa chama chao, waitishe mkutano mkuu wa chama, wawaite wenye nyumba na kuwapa ramani ya nyumba mpya wanayopendekeza ijengwe; kama wakikubali mapendekezo yao basi yapitishwe na yawe ndiyo mwongozo wa chama, iwe ndiyo sera. Hapo watu watajiondoa wenyewe kwa vigezo vinavyofahamika na vilivyo wazi. Kama hilo halifanyiki, tutaendelea kuona mapambano ya mtu kwa mtu, jino kwa jino, yakiongozwa na vikundi ambavyo vinafadhiliwa na wenye pesa.

Turudi kwenye historia ambayo tunaambiwa ni mwalimu mkuu. Hilo ndilo lililotendeka wakati wa TANU. Baada ya kuona wana TANU wenye nguvu na madaraka ndani ya chama hawaendani na matakwa ya wananchi ya kugawana rasilimali za nchi tuliyopigania wote iwe huru; viongozi wa TANU walitoka na wazo la Azimio la Arusha. Wakaweka pamoja fikra zao, wakatengeneza mwongozo na maono yao; wakaitisha mkutano mkuu ukapitisha azimio likawa ndiyo kigezo cha uongozi. Wale ambao hawakuwa tayari kuongoza katika TANU ya wakati huo wakajiondoa wenyewe na nchi ikawa salama.

Kwa nini historia yetu wenyewe haitufundishi? Kweli viongozi waliokaa kwenye madaraka kwa muda mrefu na waliokuwa na maslahi yao wataondoka hivi hivi bila kuleta madhara kwa chama na kwa nchi? Sidhani.

Napendekeza wana CCM wasome tena Azimio la Arusha. Watenganishe taswira iliyotolewa na viongozi wa TANU, ambayo ni sehemu kubwa ya kajitabu ka Azimio, na waone jinsi wazee wetu wa TANU walivyotoa Azimio lao baada ya kuelezwa, kuelewa na kutafakari yale waliyoelezwa ndipo wakaazimia. Azimio lenyewe, kwa wale wanaotaka kulisoma, si refu. Ni fupi sana. Kirefu na ambacho kilichukua muda mrefu wakati wa mkutano mkuu wa kule Arusha, ni maono, maelezo na mafafanuzi yaliyofanya Azimio likaazimiwa.

Tunahitaji watu wa kutumia vichwa vyao kufikiri badala ya kuangalia matumbo yao. CCM ijenge upya sera yake. Kwa sasa haipo na kama ipo haijulikani hata kwa viongozi wenyewe. Mwalimu aliwahi kusema kwamba CCM inahitaji viongozi ambao ukimwangalia usoni tu unaona anaendana na kile anachoamini.

Hakuna anayeweza kuwaondoa watuhumiwa wa ufisadi na chama kikabaki salama bila kuweka sera mpya. Wanao wafuasi wengi kila mahali: kwenye matawi, wilayani, mikoani mpaka taifa. Kuwaondoa hao wanaoitwa mafisadi bila kuweka bayana imani na sera za chama ni kutotumia akili katika upeo mkubwa wa kutunduiza; ni kujibu maswali magumu kwa majibu mepesi.

Kwa mawazo yangu, wazo la nyoka kujivua gamba, linamfanya “mwenye nyoka” awe kibaraka wa kitu chake. Kitu kinakuwa na nguvu kwa vile anafikiri kina nguvu-hai. Wana CCM ndiyo wajenzi wa jengo lao. Wanaweza kulibomoa kama wanaona halikidhi vigezo vya sasa au wanaona limevamiwa na vichuguu na mchwa humo ndani ya misingi yake. Wanaweza kuchukua baadhi ya vifaa vya jengo la zamani na kujenga jipya lililo imara zaidi linaloweza kuhimili vishindo vya uchumi wa ukoloni mamboleo unaohubiriwa na utandawazi.


Karibu kwenye ulingo wa kutafakari kuhusu tunapotoka,tulipo,tuendako na namna ambavyo tutafika huko tuendako/Welcome to a platform for reflecting on where we are coming from, where we are, where we are going and how we will get there

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