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Thursday, June 28, 2012

ONCE UPON A TIME THERE WAS A FISADI

Once upon a time there was a Fisadi. He lived in a land called Fisadistan. In that land flowing with milk and honey people starved and thirsted yet Ufisadi was the way of life. Mafisadi milked and milked their fellow wananchi. The people complained and complained about Ufisadishaji. But the heads of Majifisadi rarely rolled as they stashed vijisenti from the public coffers far away.  Every other time the Fidastanians flew out there in gangs to check out the loot. All along a big shot in high places kept saying Kufisadi means something else in the dictionary. Once in a while the people tried to strike against Fisadism. But the wrath of Ufisadism left their heroes half dead. When aspiring Vijifisadi tried their luck they were taken care of so that justice against Ufisadization is seen to be done. After all they were only little pawns in a grand game of thrones dominated by the Jifisadi. 

Thursday, June 21, 2012

What is So Special about Being African?

Follow an interesting polemical debate in Wanazuoni - Tanzania's Intellectuals sparked by Garba Diallo's article on Who is an African ? 
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I feel compelled to respect your views. I discern a sense of `rejection` towards Africa in your thoughts. I may even wish to think that you are drawing your conclusions out of intense confusion.

The criteria you have used to decide `who is an African` captivate me. I personally vow to die defending `African culture`, no matter how backward it is. Is this enough to affirm my Africanness?

One author (Garba Diallo) trying to answer the same question wrote ``If you are truly African, the question “who is an African” is not so relevant. Those who feel it, know it. Being born or having one’s roots in the mother continent is not sufficient to make one an African. One has to feel African. For the good or the bad, true Africans have no problem feeling African.``

I feel African, I will die African.

- Dan

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I am not sure whether the words 'rejection' and 'confusion' truly describes my feelings of Africa. Let me see if I can paint a picture to describe them.

Consider yourself as being a part of a family where the parents are idiots. They are selfish, abusive and wasters of family wealth. You have great affection towards them, wish them well and even wish to idolise them but, being a sane, rational and thoughtful individual you cannot disregard the evidence of your experience and pretend that they are model parents. You might not feel the need to idolise your neighbours, indeed they might hold values you despise, but you can see a pattern of wisdom in their lifestyles. You and your family's identities may be permanently linked, but if there if anything you have learnt through them is how NOT to live your life.

Does that help putting things in perspective? Well, contrast that with the SENTIMENTAL view of Africanness that you and Diallo (and indeed many Africans) are subscribing to.There is nothing special about our being African. A few different choices by the previous generations and we might have ended up a very different people. Look at Obama! We are a mere product of biology and history (or divine purpose- if you believe in God.) Our heritage is not directly linked to our future so we should view it critically and objectively to determine our path tomorrow.  

With respect to culture, may I point out that I ALWAYS link culture with productivity? My view is culture serves the community, not otherwise. If we examine our traditions and customs and conclude that they make us incompetent members of the global community, we have the option to change our traditions and stop expecting the world to accommodate our view of the world. Like Nyerere, I have the Ujamaa ideals at heart, but I don't know any global enterprise built by Ujamaa ideals, so, if I want to build a global enterprise, (and God help me), Ujamaa is not the way to go.

Winston Churchill once said: "Nations have no permanent friends and no permanentenemies . Only permanent interests.'' What an amazing insight into the Westerner's psuche by one of their most greatest leaders in history.

Africans have to learn how to distinguish between IDEALS and INTERESTS, between what we believe in, and what works. Bill Gates earned his money as a Capitalist and is distributing it now as a Socialist while his financial security is permanently guaranteed. Could he have done it the other way round? Not really! We tried Socialism and now a single individual owns several times our annual national GDP. That truth, to say the least, sucks.

- Charles 
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THE SCRAMBLE FOR AFRICA'S LAND


Wednesday, June 20, 2012

PARAPANDA THEATRE LIVE PERFORMANCE


Tuesday, June 19, 2012

Kupotea Njia Ndio Kuijua?

Tumepotea njia

Pendekezo la kitabu cha mkusanyiko wa mashairi
Na: demere kitunga, juni 19, 2012

1. Utangulizi

Kwa kipindi cha miongo miwili hivi, nchi yetu inapita katika msukosuko mkubwa. Kuanzia nyakati tulizoahidiwa kufunga mikanda kwa miezi 18 katika miaka ya 80, baadhi ya watanzania hawakuifungua tena na si ajabu wasiifungue kabisa wakati wa uhai wao. Lakini ingekuwa ni kufunga mikanda kwa miaka 18 ukiwa na matumaini kuwa madhila yako ni sadaka kwa vizazi vyako vya sasa na vijavyo, labda mzigo huo ungekuwa mwepesi kuubeba. Lakini yale tuliyoambiwa na wanazuoni wenye uzalendo wakati tunakubali sera za utandawazi ili angalau tupate bidhaa madukani, kuwa sera hizo hazitaifanya  hali kuwa nzuri kwa watu masikini kwani ufunguaji milango ulioshinikizwa utawafanya wapoteze hata kile kidogo walichonacho inajidhihirisha vema sana. Historia inatudai tuchukue hatua katika kila nyanja, ili kuinusuru hali hii, kama si leo hata iwe kesho, keshokutwa au mtondogoo. Nasi kama watu wa kalamu na fikra, hatuna budi kuutoa mchango wetu kwa njia moja au nyingine. Watafiti na waandishi wameshaandika sana na wanaendelea kuandika. Lakini haitakuwa ziada mbaya kama tutaweza kutoa juzuu moja la ushairi unaokijadili kipindi hiki cha historia. Siku moja, siikumbuki tarehe, tuliongea haya na Profesa Shivji kuhusiana na mkusanyiko wa ‘Summons’ uliohaririwa na Richard Mabala, kwamba mfululizo wake haujapatikana. Alinichagiza niongoze mchakato wa kupata mkusanyiko mwingine kama ule katika muktadha wetu wa sasa. Imenichukua muda kutafakari pa kuanzia, na leo nimeona pa kuanzia ni hapa. Kutuma mwaliko, na kuomba mrejesho na maboresho.

2. Jina: Tumepotea njia
Kwa kuanzia nimelipendekeza jina hilo lakini linaweza kubadilika. Wengi, pamoja na mimi, tunapenda majina yenye mwelekeo chanya, yanayotoa matumaini. Lakini katika lugha yangu ya kwanza, Chasu, tuna msemo usemao ‘kupotea njia ndio kuijua’. Nami naamini kuwa hali iliyopo sasa hivi ni ishara wazi kuwa tumepotea njia kama jamii, kama kizazi, na kama taifa. Labda tukilikubali hilo, tutatumia fursa hiyo vilevile kuitafuta, kuifuata na kuionyesha.

3. Utanzu: ushairi
Napendekeza ushairi kwa kuwa ni utanzu unaoweza kubeba mawazo mazito kwa maneno machache kuliko utanzu mwingine ukiacha methali. Vilevile ni utanzu uliokita mizizi katika fasihi na utamaduni wa mtanzania kwa miaka mingi. Utanzu huu pia hupokea na hupendeza unapokuwa na sauti nyingi ndani ya juzuu moja.

4. Lugha: Kiswahili
Japo maongezi yetu yalilenga ushairi kwa lugha ya Kiingereza, napendekeza tuanze na Kiswahili kwa makusudi. Mkusanyiko huu utakuwa mchango wetu katika mijadala na vitendo vya kupinga hali inayoendelea kujitokeza miongoni mwa makundi ya watanzania ambao wengi wao lugha yao ya mawasiliano ni Kiswahili. Hii ndiyo lugha ya umma wa mtanzania hivyo kama hatua ya kwanza katika ‘mradi’ huu, napendekeza Kiswahili.

5. Idadi, uwiano: [nakaribisha maoni]
6. Dhamira kuu na ndogondogo: [nakaribisha maoni]
7. Washiriki: Washairi wazalendo [rika na jinsia zote, waliobobea na chipukizi]

Kwa kuanzia kufikiri, itategemea na idadi ya mashairi na kama itabidi kuzalisha majuzuu mawili na iwe hivyo. Naamini baadhi yetu tuna mashairi tayari na mchakato huu unaweza kutupa hamasa ya kuongeza mengine. Labda tuweke ukomo wa juu wa mashairi tutakayochangia: napendekeza kila shairi lisizidi kurasa mbili na kwa kila mchangiaji ukomo wa juu uwe mashairi 5 ambayo yanaweza yasichapishwe yote kulingana na maoni yatakayojitokeza katika mchakato wa uhakiki na uhariri.

8Muda:
Uandishi—kukusanya: Juni/Julai; Uhakiki na Uhariri: Agosti; Usanifu na Uchapishaji: Septemba/Oktoba—lengo liwe kuchapishwa kabla ya Disemba

9. Njia:
i) Ukusanyaji: Michango itumwe kwa mhariri ambaye atapendekeza mpangilio na kutoa maoni ya kiuhakiki, na kuyakabidhi kwa kamati ya uhariri.
ii) Uhakiki na uhariri: Mhariri ataomba wachangiaji kupendekeza majina matano ya washairi na wahakiki wa ushairi kuwa wajumbe wa kamati ya uhariri. Kila mwanakamati atapatiwa mkusanyiko mzima aupitie na kutoa maoni ya uhakiki na kushauri kuhusu mpangilio na mapengo yanayohitajika kujazwa. Kila mchangiaji atapewa maoni binafsi kuhusu mashairi yake na mrejesho wake utazingatiwa katika hatua ya mwisho ya uhakiki/uhariri. Kisha mswada wa juzuu la kwanza utasambazwa kwa wachangiaji wote ambao mashairi yao yameingia ili kupata maoni yao. Mhariri ataratibu mirejesho na kamati itapitia mirejesho yote kabla ya kuupitisha mkusanyiko kuwa mswada.  
Uiii) Uchapishaji: Wachapishaji rafiki na wapenzi wa fasihi watakaribishwa kuupokea mswada kwa uchapishaji kwa masharti kuwa wataweza kuuzalisha kwa wakati uliopangwa—na kama ndivyo mkataba utafanyika wenye kuzingatia makubaliano hayo.

11   Mrabaha:
Wachangiaji watakubaliana jinsi watakavyogawana mrabaha. Mapendekezo ni kuwa tuwe na jambo fulani ambalo tutataka fedha zitakazopatikana zichangie[maoni zaidi yanakaribishwa].

Demere Kitunga < demeredye@gmail.com >
Mkahawa wa Vitabu Soma

Rodney's Intellectual Shoes - Too Big to fill?

Find below an interesting debate in Wanazuoni sparked by Special Tribute to Prof. Walter Rodney:
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This is a nice tribute.

Nevertheless, I have some serious reservations in respect to whether we are doing enough to honor and keep alive the spirit and dreams of this great historian and fighter. Walter Rodney was at UDSM in the hey days of its intellectual life. I have argued in one of my articles which is yet to be published that ``Tanzania is going through a phase of retarding intellectualism``. UDSM is not hereby excluded. Where are the hot and deeply ideological debates of the 1970s? 

There was a time when UDSM was  a theater for decoding neo-liberal secret service transmissions. But of now,this dear alma mater of ours is a den of consultants (with few exceptions) who stab us in the back whenever we think of revolt.
- Dan

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It is possible that Walter was a capable intellectual, and probably he deserves to be celebrated for his excellence. But we need to understand that Walter Rodney's worldview was the product of the days he lived in. His self-identity was very much linked with the ideas of liberation: for him as an individual and for the peoples he identified himself with. So, naturally, like many of his compatriots, he aligned himself with the political-economic ideologies which provided answers for the experiences he had.


Now the times have changed. While in the past one could think 'they-against-us' now it can be 'us-against-us'. Those we considered comrades are now part of the same system we fought. Even within us we don't really know whether we are all one of us. Does an intellectual have to align or marry his thinking to a particular ideology to explain the world? Do we have to be limited to a certain paradigm of thinking to understand the what happens? We have had one generation of experience by seeing the world as we used to, and can compare the results with the experiences of others holding similar or opposing approaches. I think the results are obvious for all to learn what works, and what doesn't.


I theorise that, with the changes of time, UDSM has lost its orientation and cannot find a new purpose for existence beside manufacturing- thanks to one Mwanazuoni- 'half-cooked' graduates. The problem of that UDSM finds itself in springs from the nature of its previous 'reactionary intellectualism'. What happens when the object of this reaction 'ceases' to exist or changes its nature? The essence of one's existence gets lost. Reading from a number of people in this forum and other sources, I tend to think that some of these people can hardly see the relevance of their work apart from the ideologies they hold. They have to maintain the course, even by finding and inventing new causes to identify with- otherwise they are lost. How misguided they are!


Earlier this week I read your 'expression of outrage' on Goran's views on 'modernisation' of small scale farming in Tanzania. What can motivate a person to argue against 'modernisation'? Is it the idea of modernisation one is against, or the perceived consequences that he expects? Assuming that it is not the policies of modernisation one is against, why doesn't he address the need for a better regulatory framework to oversee the practices? Does this confusion of the distinction between forward-looking policies and corrupt practices arise from the writer's incapability to differentiate the two because, based on the ideology he identifies himself with, they are all one and the same? My conclusion was: take heed to observe Mwapachu's words. Otherwise you might end up fighting the same thing you want to achieve. Why not orienting yourself to address the practices? A review of the reasons for failure of Communism in Europe can be quite enlightening here. Don't throw the bath water out with the baby!
 - Charles
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UDSM has lost its focus and partly because the "reactionary intellectualism" has repeatedly failed to identify, locate and analyse what to "intellect" on and about.


I believe the very same ends (goals) of the 1960/70 on political and economic liberation of a particular class/sect/etc remains. Only that the oppressor and the oppressed have changed forms such that it is difficult to revolt against. In my work for instance, I am comparatively analysing how rural communities resisted State interventions aimed at transforming human-forest interactions by comparing how communities interacted with the colonial governments (1890s-1950s), the independent socialist Tanganyika State (1960s-1980s) and the post socialist state (1990s - 2010). It is fascinating how local people in contemporary times fail to identify State representation at the local level since the state is now represented variously, inter alia, village councils, NGOs, private sector, district councils, researchers, consultants, etc. All these actors have State like tendencies, knowledges, powers, technologies, to the extent that rural communities confuse between them and hence fail to revolt effectively.Similarly, UDSM intellectuals have failed to identify what and how to do it in instilling the right kind of intellectualism among University graduates. The changes have been so abrupt such that the institution has become almost obsolete except for the consultants.
-Baruani


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Your classification of the 1970s intellectualism at UDSM as `reactionary` is purely ideological and controversial. Reactionarism in the academic world has a belittling effect when used to describe a rival. It is often employed by bankrupt scholars. I honestly think `reactionarism` is reductionist and obscures analysis.  

In respect to your question
``Does an intellectual have to align or marry his thinking to a particular ideology to explain the world? Do we have to be limited to a certain paradigm of thinking to understand the what happens?``
The centrality of ideologies in analysis can not be overlooked. In fact ideology guides our line of thought and scope of interpretation. Basically,nothing falls outside the realm of  ideology. Every idea,no matter how trivial, is conceived as a result of influence from a certain ideology.  Even the so called Pragmatist approach,which is wrongly considered to be `less/non-ideological` comes as an amalgam of a compromise between two or more contending ideologies.  Knowingly or unknowingly ,we are victims of  this or that ideology. 

Nevertheless,we are not supposed to confine our thinking to a certain paradigm. But paradigms are invented to perpetuate and internalize certain ideologies. Unless you have an alternative paradigm from a different ideology,you can hardly see weaknesses in others. Let us be firm ideologues if we really want to be good thinkers.

I situate `the phase of retarding intellectualism` at UDSM and across the country as emanating from the victory and preponderance of  neo-liberalism (another manifestation of capitalism at its imperial stage). It is important to note that the nostalgic debates of 1970s took place under ujamaa and fortunately coincided with cold war politics. In 1986 Tanzania accepted WB and IMF package and thus NEW PUBLIC MANAGEMENT. The culture of entertaining consultancy over teaching draws its seeds from this transition. Higher learning institutions(UDSM) experienced acute shortage of funds and therefore few staff,a rarely updated library etc. This was a systemic and strategic assault on `ought to be` think tanks of a country. It is in this same period that the culture of ANGELIZING
NGOs and demonizing the state took shape. 

Ludicrous recruitment as my teacher (Shivji)  describes it,currently,haunts the need to reverse the situation. I have argued elsewhere that ``In this country where university education is a privilege, youths that luckily go through it are supposed to be the harbinger of true, pro-people and people’s revolution. Frankly, given the scramble that characterizes the process of getting into universities, successful students deserve the best education as per the challenges that haunt their identities, societies and nation in general``.  (From my article titled `Revolutionaries or Employees of the Revolution? : The Scourge of Mercenary Intellectuals in Tanzania-yet to be published.)
- Dan
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KINGELEZA KITATUTOA?

KIBAO CHA SHULE HUKO KANGE MJINI TANGA KUNANI PALE

TUMAINI LA MABADILIKO?

SOKO LA KILA ALHAMISI LA 'KIETE' HUKO GONJA MAORE

Tuesday, June 12, 2012

Reactions to Prof. Sheriff Take on Zanzibar Riots

Find below two brief responses from Wanazuoni to Prof. Abdul Sheriff's Article on The Zanzibar Riots, the Union, & Religious Tolerance:

The dear Professor has completely missed the point...


It is the violence, the targets of that violence, and the religious justification of it that is shocking, not otherwise. No amount of spinning can restrict our minds from drawing parallels with what is happening in Kenya, Nigeria, Somalia, Yemen, Pakistan, Egypt, Iran, etc. Boko Haram's apologists can also say that Boko Haram only started by peacefully questioning the corruption brought about by the Western education... But the rest, as they say, is history.


How about the Uamsho's grievances? Well, how about them? We all have grievances and concerns, but we don't go around burning churches and mosques, do we? A modern society has a way of addressing issues. This is what separates us from barbarians. 


The commitment to human rights is crucial for the survival of a multi-cultural/multi-faith society. The principle of a 'secular state' is fundamental to the maintaining the rights of all members of such a society. Apparently, the dear Professor fails to appreciate the essence of these principles. That is why he entertains notions which, as a learned person, he should stand against. He writes: '97% of the people of Zanzibar are Muslims.. religion is not a Union matter, and that the Zanzibar constitution nowhere says ‘nchi hii haina dini.’' So, does this mean that Zanzibar's state is by default 'islamic'?! Is it the state which is religious or the people? Many people don't understand this very important distinction and completely miss the key lessons from history. No wonder people say that 'history teaches us that we learn nothing from history'...

- Charles
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 I truly appreciate the Prof.'s contribution in this.


It is not to excuse and justify what happened in Zanzibar, but it is equally wrong to think that few Zanzibaris who took it to the streets and torching churches had no justifications of their own. The Prof. has pointed a few of those justifying factors including increased numbers of bars and brothels. For any one who has been to Zanzibar several times over the last two to three decades, it is obvious that socio-cultural situation of Zanzibar has changed immensely. Beer, marijuana, drugs, commercial sex, and the like are readily available. The Zanzibaris blame tourists for these changes. "Uamsho" are wrong in that they didn't separate the church from these "unaceptable" characters mushrooming in Zanzibar. To them, the people from the mainland who run the bars and tourist businesses bringing the unacceptable characters are church goers. So they attacked their bars, shops (last year) and now the churces to drive the msg home. To address the root causes of all these, one should not confine these clashes to a "religious dimension only" but include other associated factors. None of what was done by Uamsho is justifiable, but at the same, none of the suggestions given so far in a limited religious perspective is right as well.


- Baruani

Monday, June 11, 2012

MWAPACHU, HYDEN, MARX NA U-SASA-ISHAJI



BALOZI MWAPACHU: UDSM ACHANENI NA UMAKSI

Na Sabatho Nyamsenda 

Idara ya Sayansi ya Siasa na Utawala wa Umma, Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam, iliandaa Kongamano kwa ajili ya kutabaruku kazi za mwanazuoni Goran Hyden. Kongamano hilo lilifanyika jana (jumamosi, 9/6/2012) katika Hoteli ya Serena (zamani Moven Pick)! Kazi zake nyingi zilijadiliwa ikiwemo ile ya “Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania: Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry”. Goran mwenyewe pia alikuwepo. Mijadala ikaanza. Kama kawaida, wanazuoni wengi walioalikwa (naweza sema zaidi ya 99%) ni wale ‘waliozaliwa mara ya pili’ kitaaluma. Pia walikuwepo baadhi ya watumishi wenye nyadhifa za juu serikalini: Gavana wa BOT, Prof Ndulu; Katibu Mkuu mstatafu wa EAC, Balozi Mwapachu, mabalozi n.k. 

Mjadala ukaanza. Kazi za Goran zikachambuliwa. Zikalinganishwa na kipindi chetu cha sasa… Lakini, ooo. Kwa bahati mbaya washiriki wengi hawakuwa na hamasa ya mjadala wa tafakuri. Wengi waliishia kukubaliana na Goran, kwamba mkulima mdogo (peasant) haja-sasaishwa [najaribu kuunda kitenzi cha usasa, yaani modernization]. Wakamuuliza Goran: ‘Sasa tutafanyaje, ili kubadili peasant awe farmer?’ 

Goran akatoa jibu: Serikali ya Mwalimu ilifanya makosa: ilitumia njia laini sana ili kumbadili mkulima [natumia mkulima kumaanisha peasant] na ndiyo maana haikufanikiwa. Kwa nini haikufanikiwa? Mosi, mkulima mwenyewe aliendelea kugoma. Hii ni kwa sababu aliendelea kukumbatia tabia za kijadi na hivyo kumfanya kuishi katika uduni wa maendeleo uliojikita katika uchumi wa kufadhiliana (economy of affection). 

Pili, serikali yenyewe iliendelea kutumia mbinu za ushawishi ikiwemo kuwapatia zawadi wakulima. Zawadi hizo ni kama huduma za bure za elimu, afya, maji n.k. Hii iliendelea kuwafanya wabweteke na hivyo kutokuwa na ari ya kuongeza uzalishaji. Tatu, mwongozo wa 1971 uliwapa nguvu kubwa wafanyakazi. Waliongezewa stahiki zao na kupewa likizo n.k. Mafao hayo yalitumwa kwa ndugu zao huko mashambani na muda wa likizo pia ulitumika kutembelea ndugu, kuhudumia wagonjwa, n.k. Haya yote yaliendeleza uchumi wa kufadhiliana na kudidimiza uzalishaji – viwandani na mashambani. 

Goran akatoa mfano wa serikali iliyowahi kuitawala Tanzania [wakati huo Tanganyika] na kufanikiwa, japo sio sana, kumbadili mkulima. Ni serikali ya kikoloni. Tunaweza kujifunza toka kwao. Akaenda mbali zaidi: Kamwe hakutakuwa na maendelea iwapo mkulima huyu hatabadilishwa! Sharti abadilishwe ndipo nchi itaweza kupiga hatua. Ujio wa wakulima wakubwa usipingwe. Ni mbinu njema ya kisasa ya kuongeza tija katika uzalishaji na kutoa mfano kwa wakulima wadogo kujifunza.

Ebo!? Nilishangaa na kujiuliza, iweje mwanausasa huyu atoe mawazo ya aina hiyo nasi tukayakumbatia pasi na kuyahoji? Mimi na wenzangu wawili (Eluka Kibona na Richard Mbunda, wanafunzi wa shahada ya uzamivu) tukapiga moyo konde na kuomba kuchangia. Kwanza, tulihoji uhalali wa nadharia ya usasa na wanausasa wenyewe katika kuleta maendeleo. Hii ni nadharia ya kibwenyenye inayowagawa watu katika makundi mawili: sisi wanausasa, tumestaarabika na kuendelea; na ‘wao’ wasIostaarabika wanaojididimiza kimaendeleo. Sharti tuwabadili. Ndivyo nchi za Kibeberu zilivyoitazama, na zinavyoitazama, Afrika! Waliowapeleka Waafrika utumwani ama wakoloni walihalalisha biashara hiyo haramu kama mbinu ya kumstaarabisha na kumuendeleza Mwafrika. Katu hawasemi jinsi ubeberu (katika sura zake za utumwa, ukoloni na sasa uliberali mamboleo) ulivyoidumaza, na unavyoendelea kuididimiza Afrika! 

Na sisi, ‘wasomi tuliostaarabika na kuishi maisha ya kisasa’, tunakaa hotelini (baada ya mfadhili kutoa pesa) na kujadili jinsi ya kumbadili peasant awe farmer? Tena tunasema eti wakoloni walifanikiwa kidogo? Tuna tofauti gani na mabeberu? Je, tuna uhalali gani wa kufanya hivyo? Na hivi ndivyo mkakati wa ‘Kilimo Kwanza’ ulivyoundwa. Matajiri kadhaa wakakaa na Mkuu wa nchi hotelini, halafu kesho yake tukasikia kaulimbiu: ‘Enyi wakulima msiostaarabika, sasa ni zama za Kilimo Kwanza. Achaneni na jembe la mkono, nunueni Power Tiller’. Ni mkulima gani mdogo aliyealikwa ili kuunda mkakati huo?

Swali likarushwa kwa Profesa mmoja mtaalam wa sera za umma: Je, hukutufundisha darasani kwamba sera bora ni ile inayoanzia chini (bottom) na kwenda juu (up)? Kama hivyo ndivyo, kwa nini basi tusiende kwa huyo mkulima ili kujifunza badala kumuelimisha? Je, sisi tunajua mahitaji yake kuliko yeye mwenyewe? 

Na hapo ndipo nikakumbuka kisa cha yule msomi mwenye ma-digrii mengi ya kilimo/ufugaji aliyetumwa na serikali kwenda kuwastaarabisha wamasaai. Kisa hiki kipo katika riwaya ya Chachage iitwayo Almasi za Bandia [Na kinatoka kwenye makala ya Andreas Fuglesang kuhusu The Myth of People's Ignorance]. Basi mtaalam na msaidizi wake walitembea umbali mrefu kwa siku kadhaa pasi na kuona makazi yoyote. Wakiwa wamekaribia kukata tamaa, kwa mbali wakaona manyatta. Wakakimbia kuifuata. Njiani kulikuwa na mto mkubwa, hivyo ikawalazimu kuogelea ili kuweza kuuvuka. Wakafanya hivyo. Hatimaye wakaifikia ile manyatta na kukuwakuta wenyeji. Mtaalamu hakutaka kupoteza muda. Akaanza kuwaelimisha wamasaai. Akazungumzia juu ya ufugaji wao wa kuhamahama na jinsi unavyowadidimiza kiuchumi na kuharibu mazingira. Akawafundisha mbinu za kisasa na faida zake. Akawataka wabadilike! Baada ya kumaliza, mzee mmoja akamuuliza swali: Kijana kwa nini ulipovuka mto uliogelea badala ya kutumia daraja ambalo sisi wenyeji tunalitumia? Msomi akapigwa na butwaa: ebo, kwani ninyi mna daraja? Mbona sikuliona wakati nakuja? Mzee akamjibu, iwapo hujui kama tuna daraja ama la umewezaje kujua matatizo yetu hata kufikia hatua ya kuja kutubadilisha? 

Tukazidi kuuchambua mkakati wa Kilimo Kwanza. Huu ni mfano mzuri wa nadharia ya usasa. Na unasifiwa kweli na nchi za Magharibi. Mkakati unazungumzia juu ya mapinduzi ya kijani. Je, mapinduzi hayo yataletwa na nani? Mkulima dagaa ama papa? Jibu linafahamika: Waasisi wa mkakati huo ni wakulima wakubwa na mashabiki wao. Wanatetea ujio wa wakulima wakubwa kwa misingi iliyoainishwa na Goran hapo awali. Lakini swali la kujiuliza ni: ‘Je, dagaa na papa wanaweza kukaa pamoja kwa amani?’ Mbona tangu kuanzishwa kwa mkakati huu kuna malalamiko mengi ya uporaji wa ardhi? Na uporaji huo unazidi kuongezeka kila kukicha. 

Papa kummeza dagaa si suala geni hapa nchini. Katika sekta ya madini, ujio wa makampuni makubwa ya uchimbaji ulitetewa kwa misingi hiyo hiyo: wana teknolojia ya kisasa, wataongeza uzalishaji, watatoa ajira, watalipa kodi, wataongeza fedha za kigeni na hivyo kukuza pato la taifa. Nini kilitokea kama si uporaji? Ulianza uporaji wa ardhi na machimbo kwa wachimbaji wadogo na wakulima wadogo. Katika mgodi wa Bulyanhulu, baada ya kampuni ya Sutton Resources (baadaye ilinunuliwa na Barrick Gold) kusaini mkataba na serikali, kilichofuatia ni kuwafukuza wachimbaji wadogo wapatao 200,000 kikatili (inasadikika kuwa watu 54 walifukiwa wakiwa hai). Wachimbaji wadogo waliambiwa kuwa uchimbaji wao si halali na hivyo kutimuliwa bila kulipwa fidia. Japo mkataba ulisainiwa wakati wa Mwinyi lakini utimuaji ulifanyika wakati wa Mkapa. Haya yote yalifanyika kana kwamba serikali ya Mkapa ilisahau kuwa wachimbaji wadogo ndio waliovumbua dhababu katika mgodi huo. Zaidi ya hapo, Rais Mwinyi mwenyewe alikuwa amekwisha kuwaahidi wachimbaji wadogo kuwa hakuna kampuni itakayowatimua katika machimbo hayo. Hata katika kampeni zake za urais, mwaka 1995, Mkapa pia aliahidi hivyo hivyo. Je, nini kilichotokea? Walitimuliwa.

Watanzania walioajiriwa na Kampuni ya Barriki katika Mgodi wa Bulyanhulu ni 2,447. Unapowanyang’anya ajira watu laki mbili na kuajiri elfu mbili unatengeneza ajira au unapora ajira? Zaidi ya hapo, isipokuwa kampuni moja (Resolute), makampuni yote ya madini yana misamaha ya kodi. Sheria (hata hii mpya) inayaruhusu makampuni kuhamisha faida yote inayochumwa nchini. Kirejeshwacho nchini ni takwimu tu; fedha zote huwekwa ama kuwekezwa nje. Ndiyo maana, wakati madini huchangia asilimia 40 ya mauzo ya nje, mchango wake katika pato la taifa ni pungufu ya asilimia tatu. Teknolojia? Hoja hii pia haina mashiko. Tumeshuhudia tulivyoachiwa mashimo huko Buhemba na utiririshaji wa sumu katika vyanzo vya maji huko Tarime. Ni teknolojia gani ya kisasa inayoleta madhara makubwa katika mazingira na uhai wa binadamu kuliko hata ilivyokuwa kwa wachimbaji wadogo? 

Baada ya kuona uporaji ulioanza kufanyika dhidi ya wachimbaji wadogo katika sekta ya madini, Chachage aliwahi kuandika kuwa ‘Mnyonge Atarithi Ardhi lakini si Haki za Uchimbaji wa Madini’ (‘The Meek Shall Inherit the Earth but Not the Mining Rights'). Hii ilikuwa ni mwaka 1995. Pengine wakati huo, mnyonge aliweza kurithi ardhi. Sio sasa! Baada ya uporaji katika madini, sasa sehemu kubwa ya mtaji wa Makampuni makubwa inaelekezwa katika kilimo. Kilichotokea kwa wachimbaji wadogo ndicho kinachofuatia kwa wakulima wadogo. 

Kinachofanywa na makampuni makubwa ni uporaji wa rasilimali za watanzania! Uporaji huu si mgeni katika historia ya ubepari. Ni njia ya kulimbikiza mtaji. Karl Marx aliita njia hiyo, ulimbikizaji wa awali (Primitive Accumulation). Ni ulimbikizaji unaotumia mbinu za kikatili za uporaji na uharamia. Hiyo, ilikuwa ni katika hatua za mwanzo za ubepari. Marx alidhani kuwa ubepari ukiendelea hutumia mbinu za ‘kisasa’ za ulimbikizaji. Sasa ni karne ya tano tangu ubepari uanze; na ni karne ya pili tangu uingie katika hatua (ya mwisho?) ya ubeberu. Bado, wafuasi wa Marx kama David Harvey wanaifufua dhana ile ile ya ulimbikizaji wa awali na kuipa jina jipya la ulimbikizaji wa kiporaji (Accumulation by Dispossession) ili kuelezea uporaji unaofanyika katika zama hizi za uliberali mamboleo.

Mwisho tukahoji: Kama watu tunaowasifu kuwa ‘waliostaarabika’ na kutumia mbinu za ‘kisasa’ bado wanatumia mbinu za awali na za kikatili zisizo na hata chembe ya ‘ustaarabu’ (primitive/ barbaric) kwa nini tusifikirie kwanza ‘kuwastaarabisha’ na kuwabadili wao kabla ya huyo mkulima, ambaye anapaswa kuiga mfano wao?

Hapo moto ukawaka: Balozi Mwapachu akaomba kipaza sauti. ‘Vijana sharti mbadili mtazamo na kwenda na wakati !’ alionya. Akasema kuwa tatizo la vijana wetu ni kwamba bado tunatumia nadharia zilizopitwa na wakati ambazo hazina nafasi katika ulimwengu wa sasa. Kuna uporaji wa ardhi?, aliuliza, Wapi? Akasisitiza kuwa hakuna uporaji wa ardhi uliowahi kufanyika hapa nchini, hata chembe moja. Akatutaka twende Kilombero tuone jinsi makampuni makubwa yanavyoleta faida na kubadili maisha ya watu. ‘Hizi falsafa za Kimaksi zinawapotosha vijana’, aliunguruma kisha akawageukia wahadhiri na kuwauliza: ‘Bado mnafundisha Umaksi? Bado mnawalazimisha vijana kujibu mitihani kwa kutumia nadharia za Kimaksi na wasipofanya hivyo mnawafelisha?’. Akatugeukia na kuhitimisha: ‘Vijana, ulimwengu unabadilika. Sharti na ninyi mbadilike’. Alipomaliza nikamrushia bango la utani: ‘So you want us to be captured too?’ Vikafuatia vicheko. Laiti Balozi Mwapachu angejua kuwa Umaksi ulizikwa hapa chuoni tangu miaka ya 80! Laiti angelijua kuwa wahadhiri wote waliomzunguka ni ama ‘wamezaliwa mara ya pili’ kitaaluma na kuachana na ukale wa Maksi labda asingewauliza.

Katika vipindi vilivyofuatia, hakuna aliyemjibu Balozi Mwapachu. Ni yeye aliyekuwa akiongoza mjadala na kuwataka washiriki kutozungumza zaidi ya dakika moja huku akiainisha maeneo ya kuzungumzia. Watu hawakuchangia, mjadala ukapoteza hamasa! Siku ikaisha.

Na Sabatho Nyamsenda,
Mwanafunzi wa Shahada ya Uzamili katika Sayansi ya Siasa,
Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam.


MAONI YA MSOMAJI

Ahsante sana Sabatho kwa kutushirikisha suala hili na kwa uchambuzi.

Naam huo ndiyo mtafaruku wa kifikra tulioufikia katika nchi yetu. Nadharia za utu zinadharauliwa na kupuuzwa, na mara nyingi hazina watetezi (hongereni kwa kusimama).

Yalinikuta mwaka juzi nadhani kwenye kongamano la mwaka la watafiti lililoandaliwa na REPOA kwenye kahoteli kamoja kazuri jijini karibu na ufukwe mzuri (sijui Whitesands au Giraffe pale - zinanichanganya). 

Makuwadi wa usasa ni wakali sana na hawana simile. Hawachelewi kujimwaga kwenye fallacies na mijitusi. Kosa langu niliwaambia kuwa KILIMO KWANZA sio pro poor, sio user friendly, hakimhusu mkulima bali mfanyabiashara (baraza la wafanyabiashara tanzania nadhani ndiyo wenye kilimokwanza).  Niliwaambia kisa mkasa cha Kijiji cha Olarash huko Monduli ambako wanafuga ng'ombe kwa wingi na wanayo samaki hadi ziada lkn pia udongo wao ni phosphetic, lakini walilazimishwa kusign vocha za mbolea (wasioyohitaji) ili mama/sijui baba mwenye tenda ya kuuza pembejeo auze tu. 

Huko huko Monduli kisa mkasa cha kijiji kinaitwa Barabarani nadhani, walipelekewa mbegu bora za mahindi ilhali walihitaji mpunga maana ndiyo kilimo chao (lakini mama alishanunua za mahindi-lazima wachukue) USASA HUU. Niliwaambia kumsasarize mkulima wa Tanzania hakuhitaji pembejeo tu jamani mbona hamuongelei zaidi masoko? Nikatoa mfano wa mananasi yanayooza Chalinze, na mahindi yanayonyeshewa na kuoza huko Rukwa. Nikasema jamani tatizo la mkulima 'mshamba' wa Tanzania huyu sio uzalishaji  tu- mbona maeneo mengine anazalisha hadi ziada (ofkozi hata matumbo yetu na hata tumeota manyama uzembe ni kwa kula chakula kilichozalishwa na huyu mkulima mshamba wa Tanzania). 

Nimepita Chato juzi, nimekuta PAWATILA zimebwagwa hapo nje mbele ya ofisi ya Halmashauri-kisa haziuziki, hazihitajiki- ila ndo zishauzwa hizo au sio? Ndiyo usasa wa kilimo kwanza, afu sabatho unaleta zako zipi, eti botomu apu, tutauza lini? Hata Mkapa kasema majuzi- pawatilaz za kilimo kwanza ni upuuz sehemu kubwa ya nchi.

Hata hivyo naungana na Mwapachu kwamba hakuna uporaji wa ardhi nchini maana hajaporwa yeye, ndiyo usasa wenyewe.

Msomaji: Adam Lingson
----

* Picha kwa Hisani ya TheHabari & Mjengwablog
* Makala kutoka kwenye Mtandao wa Wanazuoni

Thursday, June 7, 2012

UDINI NA UTANZANIA:TULIPOTOKA,TULIPO,TUELEKEAPO



MCHANGO WA MOBHARE MATINYI KATIKA MJADALA WA UDINI

Naomba nichangie hapa kama Mtanzania - na si kama mwislamu au mkristo au mpagani.

1. Kwanza ni kweli kwamba kitabu cha yule padri mzungu kinaleta shida sana mawazoni mwa watu, Dkt. Sivalon. Lakini turejee kwenye ukweli wa kisomi, kwamba huwezi kuhitimisha jambo zito kwa kutumia chanzo kimoja. Hatuna maandiko mengine ya watu wasiokuwa na upande yanayothibitisha aliyosema bwana huyu. Hakuna utafiti wowote. Aidha, ni muhimu pia kuchunguza kujua alisema hivyo katika mazingira gani. Kuna Mkenya mmoja London aliwahi kuzuliwa na wenzake kwamba ni shoga na akatengwa kabisa. Aliyemzulia siku moja akamwambia Mkenya mwingine ninayemfahamu, kwamba anajua fika kuwa bwana yule si shoga lakini alifanya vile kumlipizia kisasi cha ugomvi wao. Uongo ulibadilishwa kuwa ukweli. Je, tuna hakika na maneno ya huyu mwandishi padri? Najua ukivutia upande mmoja itabidi useme uhakika upo kwa sababu kuna uthibitisho mwingine, lakini hali halisi inagoma. Nitaeleza.

2. Pili, ingawa Mwalimu Julius Nyerere analaumiwa sana na waislamu au watetezi wa waislamu, lakini kiukweli kama si yeye, hali ya kielimu ya waislamu nchini ingekuwa mbaya sana. Tusisahau kuwa, tulipopata uhuru serikali ya Mwingereza hakituachia shule za kutosha. Wakristo na dini za Waasia wakiwemo Wabohora, Waismailia na Wahindu walikuwa na shule lakini Waislamu hawakuwa na shule. Sasa ukumbuke pia kuwa, wakoloni wa Ulaya walikuja Afrika Mashariki kwenye karne ya 19 wakati wakoloni wa Uarabuni walikuwa tangu karne ya 13. Kwa miaka 600 Waarabu hawakujenga shule hata moja; bali walijenga madrasa kwa ajili ya masomo ya dini - jambo ambalo halikuwa dhambi. 
Shule za kwanza zilijengwa Tanganyika na Mjerumani zikiwa ni za darasa la kwanza hadi la nne kwa kutumia Kiswahili. Zanzibar zilijengwa sana sana na Mwingereza. Tafuta maana na historia ya maneno haya: (i) Darasa/Madarasa (ii) Shule (iii) Skuli. Kimsingi, Nyerere ndiye aliyezitaifisha shule za wasiokuwa waislamu ili na watoto wa waislamu waende kusoma kwa sababu walikuwa wanakwepa kubadilishwa dini na kulishwa nguruwe ingawa wakristo wengine kama wasabato hawali nguruwe.

3. Nchi yetu ikapiga hatua zaidi na tukaanza kujenga shule za msingi. Nyerere akajenga shule kwa juhudi kubwa zaidi kwenye mikoa iliyokuwa nyuma, ambayo mingi ilikuwa ni ya pwani waliko waislamu wengi zaidi. Haikutosha, baada ya Nyerere kuibana mikoa mingine, ambayo wananchi wake waliamua kujijengea wenyewe, akaweka nafasi maalum kwa watu wa makabila ambayo hayakuwa na watoto wengi shuleni, yaani hayakuwa yanataka shule. Waliofaidika zaidi ni makabila ya pwani ambako shule ilikuwa kama kituo cha polisi kwao. Dini yao wengi wao tunaijua. Mwalimu akiwa anaongoza TANU na CCM akajenga shule za jumuiya ya wazazi kwenye mikoa ya pwani na hata alipopata msaada kutoka Kuba (Cuba), aliichagua mikoa ya pwani pia kujengewa shule, na ndipo tukapata shule kama Kibiti, Ruvu, n.k. Hata ile ya Waswidi ilijengwa Kibaha. Alifanya hivi kuwasaidia hao mnaowaita waislamu (mimi nawaita Watanzania). Kule kwingine kama Kilimanjaro, wakaamua kujenga shule za binafsi zao wenyewe na ndio maana hadi leo wanazo nyingi. Serikali ya Nyerere haikujenga shule za sekondari kule bali ilijenga hizo chache kwenye mikoa yenye waislamu wengi. Ndio ukweli huo ila watu hawataki kuutafuta. Rekodi zipo, tafuta shule zote uone.

4. Serikali ya Tanzania haikuishia hapo. Wakati wa Rais Mwinyi waislamu wakiongozwa na Waziri Kighoma Malima walilalamika sana. Zikafanyika juhudi nyingi ikiwemo kumweka Malima kwenye sehemu kama elimu ambapo alianzisha awamu mbili za kwenda shule, lengo likiwa kuongeza idadi ya watoto wa kiislamu wanaoingia sekondari ingawa na wakristo pia waliongezeka. Pia Tanzania ikapata nafasi za masomo kwenye mataifa ya Misri, Algeria, Iran, na Uturuki, maalum kwa ajili ya waislamu tu. Marafiki zangu walikwenda huko na walinithibitishia kwamba hii ilikuwa maalum kwa waislamu tu. Bado waislamu waliendelea kwenda nchi zingine zisizokuwa za kiislamu bila tatizo. Huu ulikuwa msaada mkubwa.

5. Ikaja serikali ya Ben Mkapa na yenyewe ikaweka rekodi ya kuipa dini moja majengo ya chuo kikuu. Leo hii kipo chuo kikuu cha waislamu Morogoro kwa kutumia majengo ya serikali. Serikali ya JK imejenga shule nyingi sana za sekondari nchi nzima na sijasikia ubaguzi kwa upande wa mikoa yenye waislamu wengi. JK pia amehakikisha waislamu wanaongoza wizara ya elimu ili kuondoa malalamiko, na si kweli kwamba eti asiyekuwa mwislamu akiwa waziri wa elimu, basi waislamu wanashindwa kusoma. Hakuna ukweli hapa.

6. Najua kuna malalamiko mengi kuhusu shule na hata hospitali za misheni, lakini tuzitendee haki. Hizi ni za kuhudumia Watanzania wote, na ndiko Kikwete na binti yake waliposoma, hata Mzee Makamba. Tuweni wakweli kwenye hili. Waislamu wanatibiwa kote huku, na ruzuku ndiyo mkombozi wa Mtanzania mnyonge.

WAISLAMU KWENYE VYEO NA ELIMU

7. Labda, tuje kwenye hili moja: KWA NINI HATUNA WAISLAMU WENGI KATIKA NAFASI ZA JUU SERIKALINI? Hili jambo ni la kweli lakini inabidi tujiulize swali jingine zaidi: KWA NINI KUNA MADAI KWAMBA WAISLAMU HAWAJASOMA?

8. Nianze na historia yetu. Waarabu walipokuja kwenye karne ya 13 walileta vitu kadhaa vikuu vikiwa ni dini nzuri ya Kiislamu na pili utamaduni wao wa kishenzi. Ndiyo, walileta utamaduni wa kishenzi. Utamaduni wa Kiarabu siyo dini ya Kiislamu na dini ya Kiislamu siyo utamaduni wa Kiarabu. Uislamu ndio ulioongoza elimu duniani kwenye karne ya saba na nane na hata vyuo vikuu vya kwanza duniani vilikuwa vya Waislamu, lakini si Waislamu wote hupenda elimu, kama ilivyo kwa dini zote zingine pia. Ukienda kwenye nchi za Maghrebu na baadhi ya Mashariki ya Kati, yaani Moroko, Algeria, Tunisia, Misri na zile za Uturuki, Siria, Iraki na Yodani, kuna waislamu wengi wenye elimu. Hapa Marekani wanaheshimika, mathalani, wahandisi mahiri hutoka Uturuki, Pakistan na India kwenye majimbo yenye waislamu.

9. Hali ni tofauti kabisa kule Ghuba kwenye nchi za Saudia Arabia, Yemeni, Kuwaiti, Omani, Katari, Imarata na Bahraini. Ghuba watu hawataki shule. Hawa wa Ghuba ndio walioletea ushenzi wao huu Afrika Mashariki kuanzia kule Somalia hadi Msumbiji kaskazini - kote huku kuna watu wenye utamaduni wa Ghuba wa kukataa shule. Hili liko wazi. Kwa kuwa Waarabu wa Ghuba ndio walioleta pia Uislamu, basi watu hujumuisha kwa pamoja tatizo la kukosa elimu kwa sababu za kuiga utamaduni wa Ghuba na dini nzuri ya kiislamu ambayo inajali elimu sana. Saudia watu ni vilaza watupu kiasi kwamba kuna Wamisri milioni moja na zaidi wanaofanya kazi za kisomi. Kote huko Ghuba kasoro Yemeni na Omani (kwa sababu ya umaskini wao) kuna wageni wengi ndani ya nchi kuliko wenyeji kwa sababu watu hawataki shule.

10. Waislamu wa pwani ya Tanzania, kama wenzao wote wa Somalia yote, Lamu, Malindi, Mombasa, Zanzibar, Mafia, Kilwa, Lindi na Pemba ya Msumbiji, wana utamaduni wa Waarabu wa Ghuba wa kugomea shule. Tofauti na wenzao, waislamu wa Tanzania walioko Machame na Usangi mkoani Kilimanjaro, au Bukoba, na hata wale wa kabila la Waganda (Baganda) kule Uganda, wao wanapenda shule. Maeneo yote waliyokaa Waarabu, kuanzia Bagamoyo nenda hadi Tabora/Nzega, na Ujiji, shule si mali kitu. TATIZO SI UISLAMU BALI UARABU WA GHUBA. Anayebisha hongera zake.

11. Tafiti mbili ninazozijua, nitazisaka baadaye, zinasema kwamba kwenye miaka ya nyuma kama ya 1990, pale UDSM waislamu walikuwa ni kati ya 14 - 15% ya wanafunzi wa shahada ya kwanza wote. Hiki ni kiasi kidogo mno lakini ni kidogo cha kiasi gani? Lazima tujue hili nalo, hata kwa makadirio tu.

12. Nyerere aliamua tuachane na sensa ya kupekua dini za watu kwa sababu nzuri kabisa - alitaka Watanzania tusitambuane kwa dini zetu (na makabila pia). Hivyo, ili kuweka usawa tukaanzisha msemo huu: Tanzania sisi nusu ni Waislamu na nusu ni Wakristo. Huu ni msemo tu na hauna usahihi. Pili, hata kama sensa ya zamani ilionesha kwamba waislamu ama wakristo au wapagani ndio wengi, haina maana yoyote leo wakati taifa letu lina watu milioni 45 hivi. Tulipata uhuru tukiwa milioni 12 na baadaye Zanzibar ikaongeza laki tatu. Watanzania hatukuwa na kelele za asilimia ngapi ni dini hii na ile. Leo zimerudi.

13. Kwa mujibu wa taarifa za kitafiti (siyo mimi), Waislamu nchini Tanzania ni theluthi moja ya watu wote. Naomba Nasser na Salim muende mkamuulize rais wetu, Jakaya Kikwete, kwamba kwa nini alipoteua mawaziri mwaka Novemba 2010 aliweka theluthi moja waislamu, na kisha manaibu akafanya hivyo hivyo? Pia, muulizeni, kwa nini alipoteua mawaziri hii juzi, aliweka 1/3 waislamu na kwenye manaibu akafanya hivyo hivyo? Kabla hamjaenda, chukueni rekodi zenu kwanza muone. Jiulizeni pia, kwa nini wajumbe wa Tume ya Kupitia Katiba ya Muungano, wale wa Bara, theluthi moja tena ni waislamu? Rais Kikwete, nijuavyo mimi, anajaribu sana kuliangalia hili suala la kelele za dini ili asiharibu nchi yetu. Anakuwa mwangalifu sana, hata kama kuna wakati anateleza. Je, mahesabu yake haya yana maana gani? Nina hakika anajua anachokifanya na kamwe hawezi kuwaonea waislamu wenzake ambao ni Watanzania kama yeye. Hawezi kufanya uonevu.

14. Zifuatazo ni taarifa zinaonesha idadi ya waumini wa kiislamu nchini Tanzania:

(i) 35% = http://www.qran.org/a/a-world.htm.
(ii) 29 - 35% = http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_Muslim_population or The Future of the Global Muslim Population (Pew Research Center), http://pewforum.org/future-of-the-global muslim-population-preface.aspx
(iii) 35% = http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/irf/2010_5/168434.htm.

15. Hiyo taasisi ya kwanza ni ya kiislamu. Sijaweka za Wakristo kwa sababu sitafuti ushindani na siamini kama idadi ina maana yoyote, lakini kwa kuwa watu mnataka kupigia kelele, basi mzigo huo hapo. Mwaka jana mwanaharakati mmoja wa Tanga alikuja Marekani na akasema mkutanoni kwenye chuo kikuu kimoja kwamba waislamu ni 70% ya Watanzania wote, na pia kuna mwislamu mmoja mwenyeji wa Songea aliandika makala ya kitaaluma na akasema kwamba waislamu Tanzania ni 55% lakini akashindwa kueleza wanaishi wapi. Huyu wa 70% alishindwa pia kusema wanakaa wapi ambako hawaonekani. Pointi ni kwamba madai haya ni ya kijinga. Makala nyingine iliyoandikwa na msomi huyu Mtanzania ilisema kwamba Uganda wapo 45% na Kenya 33% na Msumbiji 40% (kama sijakosea). Hakuna popote duniani, hata kwenye mashirika ya kimataifa ya kiislamu zinapotajwa namba hizi za 55% kwa Tanzania na hao wengine wa Afrika Mashariki. Mashirika ya kiislamu yanasema kwamba Tanzania ina 30 - 35% tu. Ili kuleta amani, naomba tuseme kwamba Tanzania haina Wakristo kabisa, hata mmoja hayupo isipokuwa wale wenye madaraka serikalini. Tukumbuke pia, marais wetu wote watano wa sasa (kule Zenji na kwenye Muungano) ni waislamu.

16. Kwa nini idadi inakuwa muhimu hapa, achilia mbali kelele? Ni kwa sababu tunataka kuielewa ile 14-15% ya UDSM ambayo huenda hivi leo imeshabadilika kwa kuwa tuna vyuo vingi nchini. Tunahitaji maelezo, kwamba hao waislamu wengine wameishia wapi? Jibu lake linarudi kwenye ule UTAMADUNI WA WAARABU WA GHUBA. Hakuna mwislamu anayeonewa wala anayenyimwa shule. Mimi nimekulia na kusomea Dar es Salaam kwenye waislamu wa kutosha kuanzia darasa la kwanza hadi kidato cha sita, na JKT kabisa. Waislamu wote marafiki zangu waliokuwa wakali darasani waliendelea na elimu ya juu. Shule ya msingi tulikuwa watoto wanne machachari, mimi, Waziri, Salum na Izihaki, na wote tulifaulu. Vijana wa mwaka mmoja nyuma yetu pale Azania walikuwa na Mpemba aliyepata pointi SABA. Alikwenda tena Tambaza akawa nyuma yetu na akapata pointi TATU. Akaenda Ulaya. Hakunyimwa nafasi yoyote. Mwaka niliomaliza kidati cha sita kijana aliyeongoza Tanzania nzima alikuwa Karim, na yeye pia mwislamu. Hao wanaonyimwa wako wapi?

17. Kwa hiyo, kama 1/3 tu ndio waislamu (walau kinadharia), na pia wengi wao wako pwani kwenye utamaduni wa Ghuba usiotaka shule, tunashangaa nini wakienda wachache vyuo vikuu, tuseme 20%? Je, watakuwaje sawa serikalini na Wakristo ambao walianza utamaduni wa elimu tangu enzi hizo? Ni suala la historia tu lakini si kwamba ukiwa mwislamu huwezi kwenda shule.

OMBI

Tufanye juhudi kuwakomboa wale wote walio nyuma kielimu Tanzania. Wako wengi, kwa dini na makabila, lakini wote ni Watanzania. Walio nyuma wasiseme kuna uonevu, bali waondoe kilichowakwamisha. Hatuwezi kulinganisha utamaduni wa elimu wa watu wa Kilwa, Mafia, Rufiji na Pangani, na watu wa Moshi, Kyela, au mkoani Kagera. Tuwe wakweli. Mwenyezi Mungu hapendi waongo. Kwa nini shule za binafsi hazina pia waislamu wengi? Nani anawazuia waislamu kujenga shule Tanzania? Je, kama kweli unataka mtoto wako apate elimu safi, na amekosa nafasi ya shule ya serikali, utampeleka wapi? Pale Kinondoni Muslim? Tuseme ukweli.

Naamini tunao uwezo wa kuyatatua matatizo yetu ya kihistoria na kitamaduni na si kukaa chini kupanga vurugu kwa madai ya kuonewa. Waislamu wa Saudi Arabia hawajasoma licha ya utajiri wao. Je, hao nao waziri wao wa elimu na baraza la mitihani ni ya Tanzania? Kwani waislamu wa Uturuki, Tunisia, Misri, Senegal na Afrika Magharibi yote wana elimu?

Tutafute chanzo cha kweli cha tatizo, halafu wote tushirikiane kulitatua; wote kabisa.



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