Saturday, May 30, 2015

Africa Book Conference in Tanzania: 28-30 July 2015

Friday, May 29, 2015

Pan-Africanism has no Local Roots in Africa?


Here is an observation on Pan-Africanism from someone in Africa, I wonder what 'continental  Africans' would say:

I have however participated in some discussions recently where Panafricanism was discussed and it was interesting to hear new insights such as that it (Panafricanism) was merely an obsession of the African Diaspora who imagined a return to Africa, anywhere in Africa, as something of unique significance to the completion of the story of their own liberation. 

These people who did not know Africa had no loyalty or attachment or affiliation to any particular place, town, village or country in Africa. The whole continent was home and as such a united Africa possibly under one government presented for them something that was both desirable and possible. 

For the Africans however, the affiliation to village, tribe and country could never be replaced by a new loyalty to a continent made up of enemies and competitors for power and other resources. This means there was always a disconnect in how Panafricanism was understood by continental Africans and Diaspora Africans but it is the unviable Diaspora view that has held sway this far, especially now that the concept has become more of an intellectual subject of debate than a reality of life. 

It should therefore not be surprising that we have talked more and done less or little about this project. 

I thought that was an interesting way to look at the matter and in many ways it explains why Nkrumah was bound to fail as a proponent of a project that had no local roots, really and its main proponents (Diaspora Africans) had neither the resolve nor the resources to make it happen.


What was Pan-Africanism in its all phases? Was it an ideology of liberation, colonial freedom, a continental State creation?Was it an emancipatory politics? Does an emancipatory politics have a location, an identity, a place, a culture, etc? Why did the politics of freedom fail in Africa? Not because it became linked to State, place, culture and identity? Simon Kimbangu was very clear about the prescription that part of the freedom of descendants of slaves was to return, if they so wished, where their ancestors came from. He was a Congolese not someone in the Diaspora and he knew nothing about the US based Pan-Africanist movement. Maybe, if Africans failed to understand this, they did not care about their ancestors taken to the New World and made slaves. It says that Africans have no historical consciousness, other than the identity given them by colonialism.


"These people," as you call us, are AFRICANS. Our Ancestors were STOLEN from Africa against their will. We are the SAME PEOPLE. We don't know precisely where in West or Central Africa we come from because our Ancestors were STOLEN from Africa. We didn't have a choice in the matter. Thus, we have a right to return. We don't need anyone to sanction that. But I think we are obligated to understand and respect that the realities and experiences of our continental brothers and sisters won't be identical to ours. But I am convinced that we have a common destiny.

And there are many examples of organic pan-Africanism. In Benin and Ghana, for example, there are shrines dedicated to the "Lost Ones" who were taken away on slave ships. The Ewe of southeastern Ghana call it Krache Dente. I think of it as a sort of sacred pan-Africanism because the shrines are self-conscious efforts to maintain a link with the continent and the diaspora. And then there was Chief Alfred Sam, a Fante from Salt Pond, Central Region, Ghana. Alfred Sam purchased a ship and attempted to repatriate African Americans roughly six years before Marcus Garvey. As for Nkrumah, he never dies. His vision lives on in us who continue to believe in the necessity of African unity. Yes, Nkrumah had internal problems like his rivals in Asante. But there was also lots of covert (e.g. manipulating cocoa prices and funding coup makers) from the West who stated very clearly that Nkrumah was a threat to the white imperial status quo. 

I'm always disappointed when fellow Africans dismiss pan-Africanism, but it only intensifies my resolve. Those same Africans forget that white people arrived in America with a far more deadly dream eventually called "Manifest Destiny." The romantic idea that America belonged to the white man, not the indigenous people. The key difference between European dream and the African dream is that the former was backed by weapons, a bellicose ideology, and as Jared Diamond has noted, "germs." Wherever Europeans went, death and destruction followed... 

Africa unity should not be confused with African homogeneity. Our diversity is our strength. Nor is Pan-Africanism is not biological, it requires diligence and hard work. And as human beings I should like to think that whatever divisions we have that we can resolve. So-called "tribalism" is not primordial, its historical. History is not a static thing, it can re-imagined for our collective welfare. I agree that pan-Africanism be more dynamic if it came from below as opposed to African elites. That just goes back to the need for hard work and diligence. In the words of the great Guyanese historian, Jan Carew, white historiography always focuses on what divides us. It never considers what unites us. If we agree that pan-Africanism is a good thing, and many of us do, we will just bypass the naysayers and hope that they can catch up at some later date.


Ignorance of history and disinformation, misinformation is not improved by disseminating it. Check [Queen] Nzinga's army how, who what and why... Frontline States = Pan Africanism, Maandamano ya mshikamano = Pan Afrcanism. We are in a battlefield of knowledge. And militant vigilance is our watchword.


Methink that with conscious effort, imagination and communication we can build the missing local roots. As Chinweizu argues China as we know it today came together through conscious effort of visionary political leaders who saw the benefit of a stronger political union. Except if we prefer to throw up in despair, Pan Africanism could provide a strong basis for fostering continental unity and development. Regardless of its limitations, Pan Africanism served as the rallying point for the struggle against colonialism. And it succeeded. We must not wait until Europe or America approves a strategy before engaging such for the development of the continent. The truth is that they won't approve of any strategy that will help in advancing African development.

I see no way out of the poverty traps that most micro and unviable states in Africa are historically consigned. Pan Africanism could well be the way out.


Let me add that whatever the name we choose to call it, African unity is a sine qua non for development. Despite the contradictions in late Mwalimu Nyerere's commitment to African unity and Pan-Africanism, I remember reading him on the fact that he is first an African before being a member of a nation-state and that when he arrives in Europe or America, he is seeing first as an African. Many folks out there don't even know that Africa is not a country. While we cannot deny the reality of the nation or ethnic groups, I dare say what unite us as a people is more than what divide us. We are a people defined by geography, culture, history, and above all, a common experience of predation, exploitation and oppression. As you know, the Weberian State on which we hope to develop is an externally devised contraption, lacking in both autonomy, hegemony and rootedness in the society enough to have legitimacy-another necessary requirement for development. Despite their relatively high level of development, Europe and the USA are now talking about a Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. When the deal is concluded, this bloc will move to other forms of cooperation, possibly leading to a uniform government. How can then can a Benin Republic or Niger negotiate with such a powerful bloc. Our salvation lies in our unity.--


That reminds me of Charles Tilly's work on state building or creation and how the nation-state came into existence in Europe i.e., it was a deliberate project. It also reminds me even for a country like the US which started as thirteen different colonies, the work that people like Alexander Hamilton did to unify the country and lay the foundation for an integrated economy, --- a project that Thomas Jefferson resisted.

It is amazing that a ruthless colonial officer like Cecil Rhodes will think of a rail line from Cape to Cairo, in effect an attempt to unify the continent even if for selfish reasons. At least he had a vision beyond just Southern Rhodesia. But today, I cannot get into a rail or bus from Dakar to Addis Ababa and feel free and safe. There is no direct lines or road that go through different countries in the continent. And I wish from Addis Ababa there is a road or rail line straight to Cape Town or Johannesburg, assuming the South African people will allow it. We need some degree of consciousness and awareness of our shared humanity in spite of national, religious and ethnic differences before we can have a solid Pan-Africanist project of uniting the continent to solve our development and existential challenges; but when we interact more with each other across religious, ethnic and national boundaries as communication is improved among different people, it will bring us close to each other. I truly agree that the primary inspiration and commitment to solving the continent's problems must come from within.

But there is one concern I have. The capacity or ability to oppress another human being is not a uniquely European problem or Western problem. It is a human problem. Because of "libido dominandi" Africans as part of the human family can easily be tempted to treat their fellow brothers and sisters like trash when they achieve power and wealth, while others have not. 

When power and prosperity gets into people's head, it changes their behavior and attitude towards others and life in general. Those familiar with the Hebrew tradition can attest to that in the Old Testament. When the Hebrew people were comfortable and at the top, they begin to treat others like trash and forget even about the person they claim is their God, Yahweh. We should critique the West but we should also be aware that by our very nature as human beings in Africa, we are also subject to the same temptations.

What makes some Africans commit themselve to the humanity of other Africans even when one group feels more endowed than the other in several ways? This is a human problem and question and not just simply European or Western. The tragedy we see in many African countries today is a situation where many people with more education, power and wealth use it to empower and entrench themselves, their relatives and friends, while ignoring the welfare of the general public. People get educated just to take care of themselves, ignoring the common or public good. In this case we are not in any way special, we have deal with the fundamental questions of human existence in a diverse community, like any other people.

In this case, PAN-AFRICANISM must be inspired by a call to service and sacrifice for the transformation of the lives of the African people for the better, and in that process, changing the world as we know it.

Nyerere was a Pan-Africanist by words and by deeds. He used our resources to liberate other African nations.

It's hard to come together without a threat. When life is good people tend to don't care and live individualistically. But when disaster strikes it is when we start looking to each other.

In the pre-1960s we were living with a disaster in the form of colonialism and slavery. We had to do something, and that's when Pan-Africanism arose.

This is nonsense because it's akin to saying continental Africans had no desire to free themselves from the clutches of colonialism.

The situation was also worse for diaspora Africans especially in America. The spirit of unity during MLK days was stronger than today.


Again because of a disaster. Persecution. Oppression.

Nationhood is a different topic. We are natives here. We weren't a nation even before the events that led to Pan-Africanism.

Look at Europe. It's more balkanized than Africa. Only in foreign lands like USA and Australia where Europeans had to stick together, did they succeed to form supernations.


What I see as missing on our Pan-Africanism and our unification processes is what progressively binds us.

History alone does not bind us as history keep changing with events. Cross-border trade, Tarime selling millet to Migori and Mtukura sending Matoke to Mbarara and the such, vice versa, could be what lead us to further unification. I don't see where Nyerere was wrong.

What bound U.S. was Interstate trade that also was sealed by the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 and its following various amendments. What brought EU together though still crawling was Coal and Steel community (ECSC) and European Economic Community (EEC) of six countries back in 1951 and 1958 respectively.

We are not that far in our unification if we keep and further strengthen our inter-regional trade, that is what I see dearly binding us today. ECOWAS, SADC, EAC, COMESA, IGAD, UMA and harmonizing them progressively is what would unite us though it will take some time.

Pan-Africanism is mainly an idea from our brothers and sisters in the Diaspora started by Marcus Garvey and carried forward by Nkrumah's Lecturer at the University of Pennsylvania, Dr William Dubois. It seemed to fail because then what was binding us was only our History. Today, it's not only that. With our adept human resources, further exploitation of our physical and natural resources for our advantages as well as access to capital and securities markets, TRADE is what will unite us.


 [O]ne of the most significant events of [Thabo Mbeki's] presidency was his visit [along with his comments] to Haiti in 2004. Hence, on the question of 'the African diaspora'; there are many diasporas and now, many waves of diaspora. The Caribbean, North America, Brazil, et al. All of these point to the challenge of Pan-Africanism as 'movement', as 'idea' and as I would add, as a political construct.

If the disconnect noted ... is the end of the story, then let's get rid of the AU, etc, and get back to tribe/family and try to secure our own means and resources for survival. Let's stop debating 'Africa and China', etc. Well of course not.

So I am also reminded of an earlier Tana Forum discussion on 'Managing Diversity' [2012]. My take is that 'Africans' have not only failed to manage the diversity of their localized entities, but equally the continent. Paradoxically, the solution seems to rest firstly, in a recoignition [and knowledge of] of that diversity, within and beyond family, tribe, nation, and globally. This of course brings us back to the challenge of the current century, with significant knowledge gap which exists alongside the apparent intimacy and proxmity of the global village.

[T]here is also another archaeology that needs to be ongoing in terms of reconciling the idea of being African with an ethnic [tribe?] or national identity. How does the diaspora experience assist in this? Why should anyone on the continent be concerned with Haiti? Why should a South African be concerned about Timbuktu? When should a Tanzanian be concerned about the return of Benin's stolen bronzes? You can guess my train of thought... and the ironies that undelined our histories: like the way in which the Italy's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935 boosted the Pan-African movement in the disapora, and at the same time helped to persuade many in the diaspora to join the WWII effort and to ensure a victory for Europe and America, while leaving the business of Africa unfinished and even more muddled... 

The struggle is ongoing. 'Forums' though useful are only one front and often not the most productive front.


No doubt on the contribution of Diaspora Africans to the project Pan Africanism. And the whole idea of Africa... I think it was Kwame Appiah (?) who aptly argued that Africa has always looked at herself through a European gaze (something like that). 

There is truth in the author's take, but for me the 'real issue' is not entirely about where the idea emanated. My argument thus is there is a need for continental Africans to redefine, own and decide the direction of Pan-Africanism. Lest we forget that Pan Africanism aside, neither our celebrated 'nation-state' has its roots in Africa. 

Therefore Pan-Africanism as an idea is as foreign to Africans as the idea of Kenya, Nigeria or Tanzania. This is where we need intervention... one that will redefine us as a people. This will involve, among other things, restructuring our political organization by recreating and resurrecting political spaces - some of which will take our 19th century history to task...

It could be a painful process but a necessary one. Beside, aren't we living in pain already?


Here is what one African wrote in June 1960 and would likely have repeated today (he wrote specifically of Federation but he viewed Federation as a stepping stone towards greater African unity and as a path towards achieving the objectives of what he referred to as the broader Pan-Africanism):

“I repeat...the case for a Federation...stands on its own merits. It cannot be marred or helped by the motives, the character, the status, or the colour of its advocates. The value of diamonds does not depend upon the character or motives of those who mine them. A mineral is a diamond or it is not.

If the Devil himself appeared in person to support this scheme for Federation, that fact would not change my views on the Federation or the Devil himself.”

- Julius K. Nyerere in Freedom and Unity, Oxford Universiy Press, p.94.

Saturday, May 23, 2015

Congratulations Writivist Sima and Erica!

Long Dying Gracefully by Sima Mittal in The 2015 Writivism Short Story Prize Longlist
Blues for Absalom by Erica Sugo Anyadike in The 2015 Writivism Short Story Prize Longlist

Sima Mittal was born (1974) in India and was raised in Arusha, Tanzania, from where she moved to Dar es Salaam in 2002. She has studied in Tanzania, India and the USA. Although she holds a Bachelors of Engineering in Computer Science, her love for writing began when she explored reading with her two little girls. She loves reading poetry and children’s books. She feels a writer and an illustrator weave the magic of a children’s picture book together. Through her short stories, she hopes to connect with and mesmerize audiences of all age groups. She has been blessed to be a part of the Writivism programme. Because of Writivism her short story was published in the Daily News (Tanzania) and on

Erica Sugo Anyadike has worked as filmmaker and a broadcaster for the past fifteen years. She’s Tanzanian, married to a Nigerian. She lived in South Africa for over a decade before moving to Nairobi. She has written, produced and directed a short film and two television dramas. She’s written for Kwani. She likes pretentious conversations about popular culture. Her superhero skill is mixology. She loves a good story in any medium.

Thursday, May 21, 2015

Kwaheri Dakta Kandusi - Mdau wa Tanzania 50+

Ujumbe wako umetufikia. Kazi yako umeimaliza. 

"Waraka wa Wazi kuhusu Saratani ya Tezi Dume"

"Prevent Prostate Cancer in Tanzania"

Conference:Natural Resources and Development

The University of Dodoma (UDOM), Tanzania kindly invites you to participate in the 2nd International Scientific Conference "The Advancement of Geography for the People, Natural Resources and Development" which will be hosted by the Department of Geography in the College of Humanities and Social Sciences in collaboration with National Geographical Associations of Tanzania. The Conference will be held from 28th – 30th March, 2016. The Conference aimed at strengthening and sharing geographical knowledge for the people, natural resources and development in East Africa and beyond.

The conference calls submission of papers on the following sub-themes:
1. Conservation and Natural resource management;
2. Climate change, disaster and conflict management;
3. Tourism and development;
4. Economic geography and livelihoods;
5. Population, health and disease dynamics;
6. Communication technology and rural & urban systems;
7. Politics, education and culture in the contemporary world;

Applicants for the Conference need to fill and submit an application form to and copy to All emails should be titled as Application for conference participation.

The Organizing Committee calls for extended abstracts that do not exceed 500 words (see Appendix 2). The abstracts will be reviewed and authors of selected abstracts will be informed to develop and submit full papers.

By end of the Conference, the presented papers will be reviewed and published.
The abstracts and papers should be submitted to and copy to All emails should be titled as Conference Abstract or Conference Paper.

Important deadline dates:
Deadline for submission of Application form: 30th October, 2015
Deadline for submission of Abstracts: 30th October, 2015
Acknowledgment of abstract acceptance: 15th November, 2015
Submission of full papers: 29th January, 2016
Payment of registration fee: 20th February, 2016.
Conference Date: 28-30 March, 2016

Postgraduate students are also encouraged to apply and present their papers or preliminary findings.

Registration fee:
Conference registration fee will be:
For Tanzanian delegates - TSH. 100,000
For International delegates - USD. 100
International & Local Students – USD. 50
& TSH. 50,000 respectively.

For inquires write to members of the committee:

Conference steering committee:
Dr. Haule E (Mkwawa University)
Dr. Kweka (University of Dar es Salaam)
Dr. Makupa (University of Dodoma)
Dr. Martha Nembo (IRDP)
Dr.Kisingo (College of African Wildlife)
Mr. Emmanuel (SAUT)
Mr. Justine L (STEMMUCO)
Ms. Venosa M. (MZUMBE)
Mr. David Msokwe (St. MARK)
Mr. Furaha Germain (MOUNT MERU)

We expect that conference participants will have an opportunity to visit the Dodoma vine factory, grape farm and vine’s degustation. Long excursions will be organized for participants who will be interested to visit the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Lake Manyara and Tarangire National Park after the Conference.

Participants who are interested with excursions need to confirm by the date of abstract submission. After confirmation detailed information will be communicated.
before 29th January, 2016.

Thursday, May 7, 2015

Diana Kamara's Open Letter to Sauti Sol Musicians

Dear Sauti Sol, 


I have heard about your work and fame for a long time. But it was until the Sura Yako song was popular that I did not really know your group. Still I don’t know your faces or names (if it counts in celebrity culture). You probably receive a lot of feedback and support from your fans. To be honest, I am neither your craziest nor average fan. And at this point I am thankful I am not your fan. I am writing to ask you to apologize to the African masses for misleading lyrics of your latest release, Nerea

As a feminist first, I could have discussed the question of abortion, whether to allow it or not (thanks for making the discussion on abortion public). Or I may look at the positive image of African women you are trying to promote such Zenzile Miriam Makeba (an artist who was a political activist) and Wangari Maathai. But it would also have been of my interest to know why you want your child to be important as Lupita Nyong’o (whom I remember for having a dark complexion, naked on screen and an beauty idol for 2013)? Will you be disappointed if the new born is the opposite of Lupita: plump and light skinned? I am not muting my feminist activism, at this point there is something urgent and important. 
I want to believe you juggled and tossed many names before shortlisting those you have mentioned in the song based on your knowledge of their legacies and the role model factor. I am glad that these two African names made it into the song: Nyerere and Mandela. 

The aspirations you have that your unborn child may be Nyerere or Mandela are not at question. Except for the information on Nyerere and Mandela that makes me question and really like - really doubt - your knowledge of Africa and Africans. And considering that two of you are Journalistm graduates (The actuarial sciences and banking and accountancy graduates are not less guilty in this! And the featured artists too!), I thought it was a given thing to be curious and to get facts right. 

You plead with Nerea not to abort because if the child is born Nyerere he will lead Tanzania (… aongoze Tanzania). If not, the child may be Mandela, the redeemer of Africa (… mkombozi wa Afrika). Really? Like serious? 
Much as we all agree that the two are giants in African history, we also can’t weigh their legacies. All the same we cannot mislead generations because of this outmost negligence (Don’t make me curse in writing!). 

Wallahi! I don’t believe the lyrics were written, revised, recorded and the video made without the many people involved in production noticing that it was the likes of Nyerere who liberated Africa and Mandela who led South Africa in struggles against Apartheid (at the end of it) and later became the first black president (with the support of Nyerere and other Frontline leaders and states) of the republic. 
For a moment I will forget you are graduates and say if they did not teach you this in school, you could not even do a simple internet survey (Like I just search Sauti Sol on the internet today) before you sang about these legendaries? I would take time to explain in details, with examples, about Nyerere and Mandela. But since you did not do your homework, at least Google that now!
I am not blaming you (I am not freeing you of the offence to history either). Mandela is more popular than Nyerere. My Microsoft Word 2007 doesn’t know Nyerere. It underlines his name in red and gives me these possible other words: Miserere, Nye ere and Nearer yet it knows Mandela. Athletes and actors who went to South Africa would stop by at Mandela’s house for a chit chat and (most likely) a photo. I am still trying to find one Google image of Nyerere with a Superstar. When Mandela died Rihanna, Tyra Banks and John Legend tweeted. Who was not mourning?

Don’t you find it suspicious that countries that had labeled him a terrorist like Al Shabab three decades ago or so were the loudest mourners? Or of all the African fathers and mothers of the African nation, he is the one given big time promotion in the West? If you don’t find it doubtful, I hold on to my conspiracy theory. 

Mandela’s popularity should not at any instance downweigh the huge contribution of Nyerere’s contribution to liberation of Africa in theory and practice. Popular is not a synonym for significant (you know this better as musicians). 
When I watched the video on earlier this afternoon on YouTube views were 448,841 and at this moment (about three and a half hours later) 450, 841. This makes me tremble in fear of how many people will have been misled by the song and believed it, let’s say by June. 

On that note, I write to demand that you apologise to the world for diminishing the legacy of Nyerere and adding salt to Mandela’s story. 

(I wish you were my brothers in arms)

(And I am not yours)

Diana Kamara

6th May 2015

Dar es Salaam,


Are UK’s Top Two Parties Disinterested in Africa?

Are the UK’s Top Two Parties Disinterested in Africa?

Aikande Kwayu’s Goodbye Two-Party System in #UK! is of particular interest to those of us who are tired of ‘duopoly’ in  multiparty politics. I am tempted to agree with its argument about the “decline” of the ‘two-party system’ and, in terms of style, I like the way it concludes with the “reason for” versus “manifestation of” what is referred to as the “inward-looking politics” in the UK.

However, I am still having the same problem about Kwayu’s earlier argument on Africa in Is the UK’s diminishing its place in the global sphere? that subtly resurfaces. This time she has cited Magnus Taylor and Hetty Bailey’s post on Election 2015: What’s in the party manifestos for Africa? to buttress her assertion. Let revisit their post.

In the introduction that is written in the ‘third person’ though it is safe to assume it is Taylor who wrote/co-wrote it as he is the editor of African Arguments, the post says it “is a truism to state that British general elections are decided by domestic politics.” This is to say in elections this is generally the deciding factor. It qualifies this by saying it “is rare that events such as Iraq war cut through talk of domestic issues to be truly influential for the electorate.” Then it thus presents Kwayu-like argument: “This year such a stereotype seems even more pronounced.... Africa’s non-appearance in the manifestos is a symptom of a wider disinterest in international affairs during this most insular of elections.”

What is problematic is that, like Kwayu, this introduction divorces the UK’s “foreign policy” from (also being primarily a matter of) the UK’s (strategic) ‘international trade’ hence these lines therein that also brief us on why, comparatively, domestic issues matter more in this election: “Development policy, in particular, is relegated to the back-end of the manifestos. Foreign policy is about defending our borders or growing British trade.”

As I stated in my earlier responses to Kwayu – i.e. Is the UK retreating from Africa? and
Are China and the US sidelining “UK’s space in Africa”? – Africans cannot afford to ignore the centering of trade in foreign policy as evidenced in the case of the UK and Tanzania. Taylor’s entry on the Conservative Party shows how it matters even if his views – or theory of International Relations (IR) for that matter – may not be informed by its overarching centrality to foreign policy in the case of Africa. He writes: “The second [approach of the Conservative Party’s Manifesto to the outside world] sees Britain as a brave mercantilist power, forging a path through choppy seas via its sharp businessmen and clever diplomats. This section is actually quite optimistic for ‘emerging economies’, into which classification, in this context, most African countries should be viewed.”

Taylor then cites this statement from its Manifesto: “We have boosted our exports to emerging markets, opened new diplomatic posts in Africa, Asia and Latin America…to connect Britain to the fastest-growing economies in the world.” Tellingly, this is his take on the quote: “It’s a good point, the last ten years have seen unprecedented growth in African economies and opportunities exist to exploit this, both for the benefit of them and us. It also bemoans the fact that the UK is still too dependent on slow-growing European markets. British diplomacy is more than ever about ‘selling’ Britain Inc. to new buyers.”

Bailey’s entry on the other major party is thus also revealing in relation to what I have termed the Corporate-State-Civil Society (CSC) Tripartite Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) Setup: “Labour’s approach to trade is focused on benefiting British business, as is evident in the title of its foreign policy section: “Standing up for Britain’s interests in Europe and the world”. This section includes plans to support access to international markets with the aim of reasserting Britain as an international leader. As such, African countries could be encouraged to enter more bilateral trade deals with Europe, whilst focus on the private sector and its role in Africa’s development will be secure.”

Are these the signs that the UK is retreating/withdrawing from (global) Africa?

Wednesday, May 6, 2015

Is This How South Africa Remembers Hashim Mbita?

Xenophobia Vs Pan-Africanism: Is This How South Africa Remembers Tanzania’s Hashim Mbita?

Monday, May 4, 2015

The Africa Forum with Mahmood Mamdani

Sunday, May 3, 2015

A "Fraudulent Activity"? But "Grossly Inflated"?


"...a recent anonymous blog post...":

Karibu kwenye ulingo wa kutafakari kuhusu tunapotoka,tulipo,tuendako na namna ambavyo tutafika huko tuendako/Welcome to a platform for reflecting on where we are coming from, where we are, where we are going and how we will get there

  © Blogger templates 'Neuronic' by 2008

Back to TOP