Thursday, July 30, 2015

Magufuli and the Future of Opposition Parties

John Magufuli and the Future of Opposition Parties

By Chambi Chachage

With the nomination of John Magufuli as its presidential candidate, the ruling party in Tanzania – CCM – has resolved the ‘Lowassa Question.’ So it seemed near the end of July. Its committee responsible for ethics managed to ‘blot out’ Edward Lowassa’s name when it shortlisted 5 aspirants who were vying for the top position in the country. Hence his followers in CCM’s National Executive Committee (NEC) and General Assembly (GA) could not even vote for him.

To the bewilderment of many in the opposition parties who view Lowassa as the face of grand corruption, the former Prime Minister has joined the main opposition party, CHADEMA, and its coalition of opposition parties known as UKAWA. I, for one, wonders why this is so shocking to the then diehard fans of this party that both Aikande Kwayu and Ben Taylor aptly affirm attracted many followers not least because of its ‘anti-corruption’ stance against CCM.

As for me, I have always known CHADEMA as a business-oriented party. When my family moved to Changanyikeni, a peri-urban area in the outskirts of the commercial capital, in 1995 we were neighbours with one of its then top leaders. A club where the business elites from downtown and intellectual elites from the nearby University of Dar es Salaam (UDSM) hanged out was opened. Interestingly, the place – and indeed the heart of our suburb – became known as CHADEMA. The party was simply a business club no wonder the working people shunned it.

Little wonder the late Joel Barkan had this to say about it in 1994: “Led by former finance minister and Central Bank governor Edwin Mtei and ex-deputy agriculture minister Edward Barongo, CHADEMA appealed to the same middle-class elements and potentially prosperous farmers as the Democratic Party in Kenya. It was outspoken in favor of private enterprise and classical liberal political values.” As far as the disgruntled youth were concerned, the opposition party of the day, in the wake of the return to multiparty democracy in 1992, was NCCR-Mageuzi. And in the 1995 General Elections the man of the moment was a former Deputy Prime Minister, Augustine Mrema who, after exposing a corruption deal and getting demoted, fell out with his colleagues and defected from CCM to join the then radical NCCR.

What did CHADEMA do? Mtei’s Autobiography recalls: “Parliament was about to be dissolved pending the elections, and Mrema, who was very popular with the masses, was being courted by a number of political parties to join them. CHADEMA sent a delegation to discuss with him the possibility of his joining us. His conditions, which he spelt out, were that CHADEMA should nominate him as the Presidential candidate for the next elections, as well as appoint him national Party Chairman.” It was such a tough, albeit tantalizing compromise.

CHADEMA seemed to have been desperate enough but there was one hurdle – the party required that the chairperson could only be elected by the national conference. “So”, Mtei reminisces, “even if I personally had been willing to resign to make way for Mrema, logistics and cost meant it was impossible to reconvene such a conference.” This is how they thus lost the opportunity to field the then ‘prized candidate’ in 1995: “CHADEMA was, therefore, prepared to nominate Mrema as its presidential candidate, but not so as its Party Chairman.”
Money mattered. It still does. This time around, the chairman of CHADEMA, Freeman Mbowe, is first and foremost a businessman. He has counted the cost. How can one be foolish enough, so he says, to bypass the opportunity to get million voters that Lowassa is allegedly coming with to UKAWA? Masked in that cost-benefit analysis is this question: Why can anyone say ‘no’ to billions of Tanzanian shillings when elections are now more about money?

His father in law, Mtei, knew very well that without money the party can hardly compete with CCM’s machinery that includes resources it has inherited from its then single party government. Mbowe has thus learned from the best. Here is an interesting anecdote from Mtei’s Autobiography that shows why it is so easy for cash-strapped parties to say yes when it comes to money: “I apologized to the businessman for interrupting him in his transaction at the bank, but I explained that I was trying to mobilise funds in order to purchase a new vehicle for the party. He said he had read about CHADEMA and – there and then agreed to contribute one million shillings by re-writing the bank pay-in-slip and giving the sum in cash. He insisted that his name should not appear in any party records, and I wrote him a receipt in the name of ‘Kobe’…I never knew the name of that Asian businessman, although the bank manager later told me the company’s name.” Today most parties and politicians have a lot of such tortoises.

When he was announcing his then attempt to vie for CCM’s candidacy in Dodoma, Lowassa was bold enough to say he has no money but he has a lot of friends with money. It was thus premature to presume that Magufuli’s candidacy, coupled with his image  as a clean version of  and thus an alternative and answer to  the seemingly hardworking Lowassa, would virtually wipe away the opposition as Jakaya Kikwete almost did did in 2005 due to his popularity. This time around it is a contest of the heavyweights and the byproduct might do us well: a parliament that is nearly ‘fifty-fifty’, that is, with the integrity and potentiality of ensuring that there is no ‘one-party hegemony’ that has left many a youth angry.

Understandably, CHADEMA is loosing some, if not many, of the youth who had/have been rallying behind it because of the pragmatic approach to the politics of ideology it took especially during – and between – the 2005 and 2010 elections. In regard to 2005, this is how Mtei put it: “Freeman Mbowe argued candidly and persuasively that the CCM of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere had undergone complete metamorphosis, and that under Ali Hassan Mwinyi and Benjamin Mkapa it was no longer the party of the downtrodden. It was now the party of the ‘filthy rich’, backed by unscrupulous, corrupt international capitalist tycoons, masquerading under the umbrella of globalization.” The tables were being turned, CHADEMA was ‘appropriating’ CCM’s image.

Zitto Kabwe, the former Deputy Secretary General of CHADEMA and current leader of ACT-Wazalendo, asserts that he was also instrumental during that phase even though, curiously, Mtei’s Autobiography that was published in 2009 does not credit him for anything. In his version, Kabwe affirms that, apart from those of Kigoma, Kilimanjaro, Shinyanga, Karatu and Ukerewe, people tended to avoid CHADEMA and the youth could then identify with other parties, such as CCM, CUF and TLP, because they only saw CHADEMA as the party of the bourgeoisies. He thus asserts it is Mbowe and Kabwe, who “brought about all the transformation in the party” that were to be seen between 2001 and 2010. Among other things, this included the recruiting and grooming of members such as the fiery youngsters, John Mnyika and Halima Mdee.

Kabwe, the self-proclaimed ‘socialist’, and the left-leaning professor, Mwesiga Baregu who was once a member of NCCR, indeed made CHADEMA appear as if it was no longer the party of the ‘business class’. So did Kitila Mkumbo who, tellingly, was once a member of CCM, and the firebrand activist, Tundu Lissu, who was already well known for critiquing multinationals and corporate capitalists. Yet we kept wondering what were they doing in the same party with the likes of Philemon Ndesamburo and his fellow businessmen-oriented-politicians. For us, CHADEMA was simply a ‘potpourri’ – a broad church – that had not shed its original mask.

Probably no one understood this better than its controversial sympathiser and the left-leaning ‘inactive member’ of CCM, Azaveli Lwaitama, who described it as a capitalist oriented party that is using the very language of socialism inherent in the popular demand for free education and other basic social services, in the 2010 elections. In that year the Secretary General of CHADEMA, Wilbrod Slaa, was the ‘prized candidate’ of the main opposition party. Shrewdly, he also described his party as center-right, albeit, using the philosophy of “people’s power” to bring about change.

Now the lingering question is: What is the political future of Slaa after the coming of Lowassa? Will he also vouch for the very same person he once listed as grandly corrupt in the ‘list of shame’? If not, can Slaa go back to his former party i.e. CCM? Or can he move to ACT and thus follow Kabwe and Mkumbo whom he participated in co-facilitating their ‘ousting’ from CHADEMA?

If CHADEMA has indeed lost its credibility among the conscientious electorate because of Lowassa, what will be the future of the opposition? Could this be the ‘golden chance’ for ACT to take over as the leading opposition party? Will it be able to do so without the money that seems to be relatively dry in its coffers? Is it living up to its promises, such as that of being transparent about its sources of finances and that of its leaders’ wealth, or its story is just like that of ‘Mtei and the Tortoise’? Can it speak out, boldly and transparently, against Lowassa whom it is also alleged to be connected to? If and when it does, will the disappointed voters trust it enough to listen? Or they will wonder why it didn’t quickly cite its Tabora Declaration’s Leadership Code of Conduct and tell us ‘plainly’ and publicly that Lowassa does not qualify to lead ACT?

One can only but wonder why, as one of the brains behind the founding of a party that is expected to rise to the occasion, Mkumbo has the audacity of proclaiming, tactically, that the “basis for Lowassa’s perception as a deceitful entity, however, has neither been established legally nor scientifically; it remains largely a political gimmick.” Moreover, at a time when CCM seems to be turning into the Lake Zone party partly due to the votes Magufuli may get there, CHADEMA appears as the Northern Zone party where Lowassa hails from, and ACT is projected as a Western Zone party where Kabwe comes from, the future seems bleak.

We need political coalitions that can reunify the country. Yes,unity is victory. May Tanzania(ns) win. So help us all God. Amen.

Monday, July 27, 2015

Erna Brodber at ZIFF 2015: Is Pan-Africanism Dead?

"To know if something is dead, you have to know what it looked like when it was alive. And so it is with an idea such as pan Africanism and so I propose to begin this exercise by looking at Pan Africanism when it was undoubtedly alive" - Erna Brodber

"Is Pan Africanism dead? The real question is, do we need it. Pan Africanism thought did not begin with those labelled Pan Africanists. From at least the late eighteenth century, we have been falling back on the mantra “Ethiopia shall stretch forth her hands unto God”, meaning that despite our earthly troubles, blacks everywhere are meant to be the special. All have used this as a bonding agent given us by our exposure to Christianity. We have seen each other as brothers and sisters and have sought and given help as needed; we have in fact been pulling a Pan Africanism into being as we feel the need. How we wept at the death of Martin Luther King Jr and Malcolm X! Do we now need to pull Pan African sentiment once more into being in the twenty first century? What has the Pan Africanism of Marcus Garvey, George Padmore, CLR James to do with us today? One of the major impetus towards Pan Africanism in its heyday was the way white power installed all over the world, perceived and treated black people. Does a world which has seen and accepted the genius of jazz, the reggae, the god-blest skill of the black athletes , the diplomatic skills of Kofi Annan and Condoleezza Rice and the dignity of Barack Obama and Nelson Mandela, still have a conception of blacks which could call forth a strategy by which Africans and Africans of the diaspora cooperate to counter these perceptions? Do we care? Ought we to care what the white world says? What benefits are there in our getting together?" - Erna Brodber
"I don’t think Pan Africanism is dead. Its theoreticians and 'actionists' have moved away and the new intellectual elite don’t seem interested but there are spaces in what they would call the masses that it is thriving – the song writers, the young people looking for a spiritual tradition and of course Rastafarians. These are mostly people who see in Europe’s practice of Christianity a double edged sword which defined us as cursed and designed programmes to treat us as such" - Erna Brodber

Sunday, July 26, 2015

Maswali na Majibu Mazito kuhusu Azimio la Tabora

Issa Shivji:

Nimefuatilia kwa karibu mijadala yenu juu ya suala la Itikadi na Azimio la Tabora. Juu ya itikadi, labda, nitatoa mchango wangu siku zijazo. Hivi sasa nina maswali machache ambayo labda yanaweza yakatusaidia kuchambua na kuelewa mwelekeo wa Azimio la Tabora. 

Kwanza kabisa, sina budi nikubaliane partly na Salim Msoma, kwamba ACT-Wazalendo ni chama cha kwanza cha upinzani kilichojaribu kuweka falsafa, itikadi, na sera zao wazi na kuainisha jamii wanayokusudia kuijenga, ambayo wanaiita -'ujamaa wa kidemokrasi' au 'democratic socialism', ingawa haieleweki vizuri dhana na maana yao ya falsafa, itikadi, programu na sera, pamoja na ujamaa wao wenyewe. Lakini, lazima tukiri kwamba yale waliyodiriki kuweka kwenye maandishi ni mahala pazuri pa kuanzia mijadala na mazungumzo. (Kwa upande wangu, mimi sio moja kati ya wale wanaopuuza umuhimu wa mjadala na mazungumzo. Fikra ni muhimu; binadamu kufikiri kwanza kabla ya kutenda.) 

Maswali yangu ya awali, ambayo nionavyo ni ya msingi, ni:

1. Je, Azimio la Tabora limeainisha MFUMO WA UZALISHAJI katika nchi yetu na sifa zake? Kama ndio, ni upi? Na kama sio, je, unaweza ukaitangaza aina ya itikadi yako bila kujua imekita kwenye mfumo gani wa uzalishaji, ambao ni msingi wa human existence? 

2. Wanasema nia yao ni kuhuisha Azimio la Arusha (AA) katika MAZINGIRA YA SASA. Swali: (a) Azimio la Arusha lilikuwa linapinga mfumo upi wa uzalishaji? (b) Je, mfumo uliokuwa unapingwa na Azimio la Arusha bado upo au haupo? (c) MAZINGIRA YA SASA yana sifa gani yanayotofautisha hali halisi ya sasa na ile ya Azimio la Arusha? 

3. Azimio la Tabora (AT) linarudiarudia dhana ya unyonyaji: Je, katika MAZINGIRA YA SASA nani ni mnyonyaji na nani ni mnyonywa? Nimeona kuna sehemu AT linazungumzia na kurudia kwamba miji inanyonya vijiji? Je, unyonyaji ni dhana ya uhusiano wa kijamii (social relation) au ni uhusiano wa kieneo (relation of locations)?

4. AT lina msimamo gani juu ya suala la UBEBERU (imperialism)? Msimamo wa AA lilikuwa wazi -lilikuwa linapinga ubeberu, (bila kujali dhana na uelewa wa ubeberu ktk AA). Je, katika MAZINGIRA YA SASA, imani ya AT ni kwamba hakuna kitu kama ubeberu? 

5. Katika AT, nani, kundi gani, lina kipaumbele wa kuleta maendeleo? (agency). Azimio la Arusha lilisema wakulima na wafanyakazi. Katika AT sikumbuki kama matabaka haya yametajwa. Isitoshe, sina hakika kwamba kuna dhana ya kitabaka ktk AT. Na kama ndivyo ilivyo, mtazamo wa AT ni mtazamo wa tabaka gani AU AT ni extra-class/above-class/classless? AU katika MAZINGIRA YA SASA hatuna matabaka?

Kama nilivyosema mwanzoni, maswali haya yanaweza yakatusaidia kuelewa AT kwa ndani zaidi - sio lazima kwamba yote yajibiwe au yatolewe ufafanuzi na wavumbuaji wa AT, ingawa wakifanya hivyo watatusaidia, na watakuwa wamejisaidia wao wenyewe, katika kuli-deepen Azimio lao, ambalo, kama nilivyosema mwanzoni, lina potential, lakini, kwa maoni yangu, ni potential tu - sio zaidi ya hapo. [Hii inanikumbusha visit ya CLR James (mwandishi wa The Black Jacobins) tukiwa wanafunzi Chuo Kikuu - ilikuwa 1968 au 69. Alipokuwa anazungumzia Azimio la Arusha, akasema: it is a statement of good intentions .... but in my life I have seen many statements of good intentions!]

Salim Msoma:

Kwa wakati huu wa sasa program ya Chama hiki ndio pekee miongoni mwa utitiri wa vyama inayotoa picha au sura ya msimamo halisi wa Mrengo wa Kushoto (a generally Left orientation). Kama kianzio mtazamo huu unatoa matumaini ya mwelekeo sahihi wa kuweka mbele siasa za kutetea na kulinda maslahi ya matabaka ya wazalishaji (producers of wealth) i.e.
wafanyakazi na wakulima.

Dastan Kweka:

Kwa vile sasa kuna chama kinachojipambanua kufuata itikadi ya "ujamaa wa kidemokrasia", naweza kubashiri kuwa walifanya uchambuzi wa kina kabla ya kufikia maamuzi yao. Sasa wawakilishi wao humu wangetuambia kwa nini ujamaa wa kidemokrasia na siyo social democracy? 

Chambi Chachage:

Dastan, ili swali lako lieleweke vizuri, hebu tafsiri hiyo 'ujamaa wa kidemokrasia' kwa Kiingereza ili tuweze kuitofautisha na hiyo 'social democracy'. Je, ni 'democratic socialism'? Wakati hao wasemaji wanajiandaa kukujibu rejea haya makala ya think tank wao:

"Chama cha ACT-Wazalendo kinasimamia katika mrengo wa kati kushoto na kinaamini katika misingi ya Ujamaa wa kiDemokrasia (Democratic Socialism). Ujamaa wa kiDemokrasia kwa mujibu wa ACT-Wazalendo unajengwa katika ngao tano" - [Kitila Mkumbo] Raia Mwema - Ufafanuzi kuhusu itikadi ya Ujamaa wa Kidemokrasia ya ACT

Zitto Kabwe:

Muhtasari huu unaweza kusaidia katika mjadala unaoendelea. Ukisoma nyaraka zetu za mwanzo utaona kuwa tunazungumzia social democracy. Lakini tuliona kuwa hiyo ni nyepesi mno na nchi inahitaji ujamaa haswa lakini unaozingatia mazingira ya sasa na ndio maana tukaamua kuwa na Ujamaa wa kidemokrasia (democratic socialism). 

Azimio la Tabora ndio msimamo wetu wa kiitikadi na sehemu ya pili imefafanua sera yetu hiyo. Sehemu ya tatu ni uchambuzi wa hali ya nchi na nini tunataka kufanya kurekebisha mambo. Sehemu ya nne ni Miiko ya Uongozi. 


Muhtasari wa Azimio la Tabora la Chama cha ACT Wazalendo

Shabaha ya Chama cha ACT Wazalendo ni kuhuisha Azimio la Arusha ili kujibu changamoto zinazoikabili nchi yetu kama vile uchumi duni wa kimasikini, huduma duni za jamii na ufisadi unaotokana na kumomonyoka kwa maadili ya viongozi wa umma. 


Itikadi, Falsafa, Misingi na Madhumuni ya ACT-Wazalendo

Lengo kuu ni kujenga jamii inayozingatia usawa kwa;
Kuweka mazingira ya kisera ili kupunguza pengo la kipato.
Kutoa fursa kwa wananchi kupata huduma za jamii kwa urahisi
Kuwapa wananchi fursa ya kushiriki katika kufanya maamuzi.

Falsafa ya ACT-Wazalendo ni ipi?

Falsafa ya ACT-Wazalendo ni UNYERERE. Falsafa hii inalenga kurudisha, kuhuisha na kupigania misingi mama iliyoasisi Taifa la Tanzania, kama ilivyoainishwa katika Azimio la Arusha.

Ni nini Misingi ya ACT-Wazalendo?

Uzalendo – Ni dhana ya kuipenda nchi na dhamira ya kile ambacho ACT-Wazalendo inadhamiria kukifanya. Uzalendo ni kujitoa katika kuitumikia na kuilinda nchi.
Utu - Kutambua thamani ya asili ya ubinadamu na haki za msingi na za asili ambazo binadamu wamepewa tangu uumbaji.
Kupinga ubaguzi - Kulinda heshima ya kila binadamu
Usawa - Kuweka mazingira yatakayowasaidia wanyonge nao kuwekeza.
Demokrasia - Kuwapa watu nafasi ya kutoa maoni na pia kuyazingatia yale wanayoyasema katika mipango ya maendeleo ya nchi.
Uhuru wa Mawazo na Matendo - Kutoa nafasi kwa uhuru wa mawazo na fursa ya kila mtu kutoa maoni yake bila woga.
Uadilifu – Utendaji wa viongozi ndio utakaojenga imani na kuwapa heshima mbnele ya wananchi.
Uwazi – Kuwapatia wananchi taarifa na habari muhimu, sahihi na kwa wakati unaofaa ili waweze kufanya maamuzi sahihi.
Uwajibikaji - Uwajibikaji unapaswa kuanza na viongozi waliopewa dhamana ya kuongoza harakati za mabadiliko katika nchi.
Umoja – Kufanya kazi kwa pamoja ili kukabiliana na changamoto.


Siasa ya Ujamaa wa kidemokrasia na ndoto ya Tanzania ni nini?

Misingi ya Siasa ya Ujamaa inajengwa katika kuimarisha umoja na udugu. Hili litawezekana kirahisi kwa kuwa na itikadi au falsafa moja ya kitaifa.
Kufuata misingi hiyo kutahuisha na kuimarisha uzalendo, upendo, umoja na mshikamano wa watanzania wote bila kujali tofauti zao.

Mambo ya msingi ya kuzingatia:

i) Kuondoa unyonyaji -

Kila mtu afanye kazi na kupata malipo anayostahili kulingana na kazi yake. Serikali ihakikishe kuwa hakuna pengo au tofauti kubwa na isiyo ya haki ya kipato.

ii) ​Kujenga Uchumi imara, shirikishi na unaosimamiwa na dola -

Kuwafanya wananchi wamiliki na kuendesha njia kuu za ujenzi wa uchumi katika ushindani ulio sawa.


Mmomonyoko wa Maadili, Rushwa na kukithiri kwa umasikini

Hizi ni nyufa ambazo zinatishia kulibomoa taifa. Uongozi unaonekana kama sehemu ya kujipatia utajiri badala ya kuwatumikia watu. Hili limeongeza uwepo wa matabaka katika jamii.

Mfumo mbaya wa uchumi

Mfumo wa uchumi wa nchi yetu bado ni wa kinyonyaji unaowafanya wakazi wa mijini wanafaidi zaidi rasilimali za nchi kuliko wakazi wa vijijini.

Hali hii inajionyesha kupitia:
• Kuongezeka kwa kasi kwa tofauti ya kipato kati ya walionacho na wasionacho.
• Kasi ya kupunguza umasikini nchini inaonekana mijini kuliko vijijini.
• Kasi ya ukuaji wa uchumi wa vijijini ipo chini ya wastani wa ukuaji wa uchumi wa Taifa.

Nini kinasababisha hali hii?

Hali hii inasababishwa na mfumo mbaya wa uchumi ambao unatoa fursa nyingi za kiuchumi na maendeleo kwa watu wa mijini zaidi kuliko vijijini.

Nini cha kufanya?

Huu ndio wakati wa kufufua misingi ya Azimio la Arusha. Ingawa wanasiasa wa kisasa wanaona Azimio la Arusha ni nyaraka iliyopitwa na wakati, sisi ACT-Wazalendo tunaamini kwamba Azimio la Arusha ndilo litakaloirudisha nchi katika misingi.

Ufisadi unatengeneza matabaka

• Rushwa na ufisadi vinatengeneza Watanzania wachache kuwa mabilionea, wakiwa na ushawishi mkubwa katika kuunda sera na kushawishi utekelezaji wake.
• Wanaitumia fursa hiyo kuunda sera na sheria zinazolinda utajiri wao na kuendelea kuhakikisha maskini wanaendelea kuwa mafukara.
• Wanatumia rasilimali kuboresha maeneo ambayo wana maslahi nayo na kuwaacha Watanzania wengi wanaishi vijijini katika lindi la umaskini.

Mambo yanayosukuma ufisadi

• Rushwa ndogo ndogo.
• Fedha zinazotumika kwenye siasa.
• Makampuni makubwa ya kimataifa kukwepa kodi na kutorosha fedha kwenda ughaibuni.
• Makundi ya kiharamia yanayojihusisha na madawa ya kulevya, ujangili na ujambazi.

Nini cha kufanya?

Dawa ni kujenga taifa la watu sawa. Ili kuubomoa mfumo huu wa kiuchumi wa kinyonyaji, dawa ni kurudi kwenye misingi ya Azimio la Arusha.

Tukishindwa kuchukua maamuzi madhubuti ya kutokomeza ufisadi na mfumo wake tutaendelea kuwafanya watanzania wengi kuendelea kuwa mafukara .

Maono ya ACT-Wazalendo

Lengo kuu litabakia ujenzi wa Ujamaa wa kidemokrasia wenye kuelekea kujenga dola la kimaendeleo, linalozingatia mila na utamaduni wa kitanzania.
Tofauti na Azimio la Arusha, hali ya mambo hivi sasa imebadilika hivyo ni lazima kuzingatia muundo wa sasa wa kiuchumi tunapohuisha misingi hiyo kwa kufanyia mageuzi makubwa (transformation) ili kujenga uchumi shirikishi (inclusive economy).

Njia muafaka

• Moja kati ya mambo makubwa yanayopaswa kufanywa ni kujenga mazingira ya kuiwezesha sekta binafsi kushiriki kikamilifu katika kuendesha uchumi na Serikali kusimamia na kudhibiti njia kuu za uchumi na kuendesha huduma za msingi.

• Azimio lililohuishwa lazima lizingatie uzalishaji mali badala ya kujikita kwenye mgawanyo wa kidogo kilichozalishwa.
• Ni lazima kuwekeza vya kutosha katika sekta ya kilimo na kuhakikisha wakulima, wafugaji, wavuvi na wote walio katika sekta isiyo rasmi wanapatiwa ulinzi wa hifadhi ya Jamii.

Hatua za kuchukua
Kuweka Akiba na kukuza Uchumi

• Kasi ya kukua uchumi wa Tanzania kwa miaka 15 iliyopita imeshindwa kuondoa umasikini kwa sababu kwa kiasi kikubwa kasi hii imesukumwa na mitaji kutoka nje ambayo imewekezwa kwenye sekta ambazo haziwanufaishi wananchi moja kwa moja.
• Hifadhi ya jamii itumike kama nyenzo (instrument) ya kukuza uwekaji akiba nchini ili kuweza kuwa na vyanzo vya mitaji ya uwekezaji wa ndani.
Kwa kuwa Azimio la Arusha lilisisitiza ujenzi wa vijiji vya Ujamaa, Chama cha ACT- Wazalendo kitaitaka Serikali kuwafuata wananchi huko walipo vijijini na kuwawezesha kulima mashamba yao binafsi wenyewe kwa tija kwa kupitia ushirika wa msingi ili kuongeza uzalishaji, kufungua viwanda vidogo vidogo vya kuongeza thamani ya mazao na kuwa na nguvu katika soko. 

Kupambana na mfumo wa unyonyaji na ufisadi

• Kuhakikisha kuwa kukua kwa uchumi kunawanufaisha wananchi wote.
• Kujenga taasisi zenye nguvu ambazo zitaondoa hali ya uchumi kutajirisha wachache na kufukarisha wengi.
• Mapambano dhidi ya rushwa halitakuwa jambo la mzaha wala kuoneana aibu.

Kuhakikisha kilimo kinachangia ukuaji wa uchumi kwa kuongeza Mapato ya Fedha za kigeni.

Shabaha ya muda mrefu ni kuzalisha chakula kingi kutosheleza mahitaji na kuwa na ziada ya kuuza nje.

Hatua za kuchukua kuhusu kilimo:

• Kukifanya kilimo kuwa shughuli kiongozi katika kutokomeza umasikini.
• Shughuli za Kilimo lazima ziendeshwe na wananchi wenyewe.
• Kuanzisha fao la bei ya mazao, bima na mikopo ya gharama nafuu kupitia mfumo wa Hifadhi ya Jamii.
• Ardhi na mashamba yaliyobinafsishwa kurejeshwa kwa wananchi wasio na ardhi.
• Wananchi kuwa na umiliki mkubwa kwenye mashamba makubwa.
• Kuwepo kwa mfumo wa kodi unaoeleweka na usiotetereka (stable fiscal regime) katika sekta ya kilimo.
• Kuunda Mamlaka ya Kilimo ili kusimamia sekta ya kilimo.
• Dola kuhusika kikamilifu kwenye hifadhi ya mazao na kuanzisha mfumo wa soko kupitia soko la bidhaa (commodities exchange)
• Kurekebisha mfumo wa usambazaji wa pembejeo za kilimo ili kutoa nguvu kwa vyama vya msingi vya wakulima kununua pembejeo zao wenyewe kwa wakati.

• Kuhakikisha sekta ya uzalishaji inaliingizia taifa mapato mengi ya fedha za kigeni.
• Msukumo uwekwe kwenye bidhaa za nguo kwani zinaajiri watu wengi zaidi na mnyororo wake wa thamani ni mrefu.
• Itakuwa ni marufuku kuuza nje malighafi (raw materials) isipokuwa kwa mazingira maalumu.

Maagizo mahsusi ya Chama cha ACT-Wazalendo kuhusu viwanda:

• Viwanda, vikiwemo vya kuongeza thamani ya mazao ya kilimo, mifugo na uvuvi vipewe kipaumbele kikubwa kwa kuwekewa vivutio vya kodi na zawadi za kodi.
• Serikali ishiriki katika umiliki wa viwanda vya msingi.
• Kuweka kipaumbele katika soko la kanda kwa kuimarisha viwanda.

Kuifanya sekta ya utalii kuingiza fedha zaidi kwa kuifanya izalishe ajira badala ya kuitumia kukusanya kodi tu.

Hatua za kuimarisha utalii:

• Kuweka mfumo rahisi wa kikodi.
• Kuimarisha Utalii wa kitamaduni.
• Kuunda upya shirika la ndege ta taifa.
• Kuziimarisha timu za taifa ili zitumike kutangaza utalii.
• Kuimarisha sanaa ili iingize fedha nyingi za kigeni.

Madini, Mafuta na Gesi Asilia
Hatua za kuchukua:

• Maliasili zote za madini, mafuta na gesi asilia ziwe mali ya wananchi KIKATIBA.
• Kubadili mfumo wa uchimbaji ili serikali iwe na umiliki kwenye miradi.
• Mikataba yote ya uvunaji wa maliasili iwe wazi kwa wananchi.

Huu utakuwa ndio msingi mkuu katika kufanikisha malengo yanayowekwa.
Lengo kuu ni kurejesha miiko ya Uongozi na Kuiishi na kuweka misingi mizito ambayo itahitaji kujitoa kikamilifu katika kuisimamia.

Miiko ya viongozi
• Kiongozi wa ACT-Wazalendo katika ngazi yoyote atalazimika kufuata miiko ya viongozi kama msingi wa utendaji wake.
• Kiongozi wa ACT-Wazalendo sharti awe ni mtu mwenye shughuli halali inayompa kipato halali.
• Asishiriki katika jambo lolote litakalomuweka katika mgongano wa kimaslahi unaompelekea yeye binafsi, familia yake, rafiki zake au jamii yake kufaidika kwa namna yoyote.
• Kiongozi sharti aweke wazi shughuli zake za biashara na nyakati zote akiwa kiongozi kwenye ofisi ya umma na awe haendeshi moja kwa moja shughuli hizo yeye mwenyewe.
• Asiwe mkurugenzi katika kampuni yeyote binafsi au shirika la umma.
• Aweke wazi vyanzo vyake vya mapato na mali zitokanazo kwa kuzingatia utaratibu wa sheria za nchi na Kanuni za Mwenendo na Maadili ya Viongozi wa ACT-Wazalendo na miongozo mingine ya chama.
• Asifanye biashara ya aina yeyote ile na chama na serikali.

Tafsiri ya kiongozi

Viongozi wanaotajwa hapa ni viongozi wa Kitaifa wa chama, Rais, Mawaziri, Wabunge na Madiwani wanaotokana na ACT – Wazalendo. Kwa mujibu wa kifungu hiki kiongozi ni mtu peke yake, au mtu na mkewe au mke na mumewe.

Tahir Othman:

Haya maazimio kwenye maandiko na majukwaa yanapendeza ila kama we are revisiting Azimio la Arusha hebu tuliangalie in 3D na si kuyapitia maandishi tu. Nini kilitokea nchini ndani ya miaka kumi ya Azimio la Arusha? Tupime Kazi na maendeleo yaliyoletwa from 1968 to 1978. Je, wasomi wa wakati huo walikuwa bize kuchambua na ku-discuss Azimio au walijiunga mashambani, vijijini, viwandani na mitaani kujenga nchi na kutuletea maendeleo? Nimekumbuka my Cuban days, kazi kwanza postmortem itafuata maana kwa style yetu ya porojo and over analyzing things tutakata five years tunaendeleza gumzo tu.

Leila Sheikh:

Post Mortem huwa tunafanya hata kwenye vyombo vya habari juu ya habari tulizotoa Jana yake. 
Angalizo, wapo wanaodai kuwa Azimio la Zanzibar ndilo liloua Azimio la Arusha.

Salim Khatri:

Mimi ningesema 4D na hata 5D maana hawa wanaohubiri haya Maazimio ya Mikoa tofauti wanaishi maisha ya tofauti na fantasy wanazohubiri, kuanzia kupanga Masaki, kumiliki magari to bei mbaya na kuwa na private areas Ambassador Lounge. 

Anna Mghwira:

Dada Leila, Tafsiri yetu ya Azimio la Zanzibar liliua Azimio la Arusha kwa kuridhia kubadili mfumo wa kijamaa na kuingiza mfumo wa kibepari kisera. tuliangalie kwa undani zaidi na kujiridhisha kuua huko. 

Salim, unapendekeza uwajibikaji wa viongozi kama sikosei. Ili kufikia hivyo tunahitaji kurudi kwenye maadili ya uongozi: Viongozi watangaze mali zao wanapoingia katika nafasi za uongozi na wanapomaliza muda wao. 

Ndivyo ninavyoelewa sehemu ya nne ya Azimio.

Salim Khatri:

Kutangaza mali siyo mwarobaini wa uwajibikaji. Nani asiyejua kuwa wanasiasa ni mabingwa wa uongo, udanganyifu na ulaghai? Kwa nini tangazo lao la mali tuliamini?

Azaveli Lwaitama:

Nimependa wasilisho la Tahir Othman. Chama cha kijamaa Tanzania ni CCM na TANU na umoja wa ASP-Umma Party kabla yake. CCM ya leo imeutelekeza ujamaa na ndio maana kinastahili kuondolewa kwenye uongozi wa nchi na kubadilishwa na walau chama cha kibepari wenye uzalendo cha Chadema na washirika wake wa UKAWA. CCM kiking'olewa madarakani kitapata nafasi ya kujitafakari na kurudi kwenye misingi yake ya ujamaa hata kama hakitawahi kuongoza dola peke yake kwa muda mrefu baada ya pale. Hao wanajinadi kama wajamaa waliotokea chama cha kibepari wajiunge na CCM ambayo bado imesheheni wajamaa kama Jaji Warioba na Mzee Butiku na wengine wengi tu ndani ya chama hiki ngazi mabali mbali. Hao wanaojinadi kama eti wajamaa wa kimedokrasia wajiunge na CCM na hususani pale itapoondolewa madarakani kwa lengo la kukisaidia chama hiki kirudi kwenye misingi yake. 

Vinginevyo janja janja hii ya kisomi inayoendelea ya kukokotoa ujamaa kwenye watu waliokulia kwenye chama cha kibepari ni mchezo unaowanufaisha wale wanaotamani kuwazuga na kuwazubaisha wananchi wajitenge na hoja ya kihistoria ya zama hizi ya kung'olewa CCM madarakani kama kitendo cha ukombozi awamu ya pili.... ni kudhoofisha nguvu ya umma inayoendelea kukusanywa na chama hiki cha kibepari wenye uzalendo cha Chadema. Umoja wa mabepari, mamwinyi, wakulima wadogo wadogo na wakubwa, wafanyakazi wa viwango mbali mbali vya kipato, watoa huduma za kibenki na kibiashara kote nchi chini ya uongozi wa Chadema Tanzania bara na CUF Tanzania Zanzibar ndiyo nguvu ya uma itayoiong'oa CCM madarakani. Vyama vyote na wanasiasa wote wanotafuta kudhoofisha nguvu hii ya umma ya kung'oa chama cha CCM kilichochakachua maoni ya wananchi yaliyobebwa na Rasimu ya Pili ya mapendekezo ya Katiba Mpya ya Tume ya Jaji Warioba ni wasaliti na ninarudia historia itawahukumu kuwa ni wasaliti wa vuguvugu la kiking'oa chama cha CCM madarakani. Lakini bila shaka ni haki yao ya kikatiba kufanya usaliti huu wa kihistoria!!!

Ujamaa gani huu unaoibuliwa kwenye mabishano ya kisomi ya wanasiasa waliofukuzwa kwenye chama cha kibepari walichokuwa eti wanatafuta kukiteka nyara kwa njia za sirisiri ili wakiongoze kiwasaidie kutimiza ndoto zao za kutaka kuwa wakuu wa dola kwa njia zozote zile.... Zipo wapi dalili za vuguvugu la kurudi kwenye misingi ya Azimio la Arusha nje ya vuguvugu la katiba mpya lililo dhahiri katika vyama vyote pamoja na CCM....vuguvugu la kutaka katiba iliyobebwa na maoni ya wananchi kuhusu katiba mpya yaliyo dhahiri ndani ya Rasimu ya Pili ya mapendekezo ya Katiba Mpya ya Tume ya Jaji Warioba? 

Kote ninapopita naona mwamko mkubwa wa wananchi kutaka kuking'o chama cha CCM-Mamboleo kilichotekwa na wana CCM-Maslahi na kuwanyong'onyeza wana CCM-Imani. Leo hii mjamaa wa kweli atagundua kuwa lazima kung'olewa CCM kutoka madarakani kabala ya kufanya jambo lolote lile...Kung'olewa CCM kwanza mambo mengine yatafuata. Hapa tulipo kama pale Ukaburu ulipowafikisha Wakomunisti wa Afrika ya Kusini wakajiunga na chama cha kiliberali cha ANC ili kuondoa ukaburu kwanza na mambo mengine baadaye.... hayo ndio maoni yangu..Naomba radhi kama nitakuwa nimewaudhi rafiki zangu na hata watoto wangu kwenye vyama mbali mbali vya siasa... Mimi mwenyewe katika hali ya sasa naanza kuona umuhimu wa kila Mtanzania mwenye nia njema kutojitenga na vuguvugu la UKAWA ... Umoja wa Katiba mpya iliyobeba maoni ya wananchi.... kama wakomunisti wa Russia walivyotafakari kujiunga na vuguvugu la Mapinduzi ya Menshevik kama matayarisho yasiyoepukika ya mapinduzi ya Bolshevik hapo baadaye...kama wakomunisti wa Afrika ya Kusini walivyoona umuhimu wa kujiunga na ANC hata kama mtu alibaki mwana chama wa SACP.... Hapa kwetu mazingira ya kuwepo chama cha kikomunisti si muafaka sana ...vyama vya wafanyakazi vimepikika sana na kudhoofishwa na de-industrialization ........Wakomunisti wa Tanzania walikuwa ASP, Umma Party na TANU....nadhani bado mawazo ya kikumunisti yamebebwa katika makabrasha ya CCM ya leo... Tuipumzishe CCM ili mapambano ya itikadi za kitabaka yaweze kuanza kwa dhati na kushamiri....

Demere Kitunga:

Pamoja na kuwa itikadi ya mrengo wa kushoto imefifia ulimwenguni tangu kuvunjika kwa ukuta wa Berlin, siasa zake zingalipo na zinazidi kuungwa mkono jinsi uchumi wa kibepari unavyozidi kudorora na makali yake kuathiri jamii na watu maskini...hapa kwetu mijadala ya kina kuhusu nafasi ya itikadi hii katika mageuzi ya kiuchumi unaoshirikisha walio wengi haisikiki vya kutosha ndani na nje ya vyama vya siasa--je, hii ni dalili kwamba kuna ombwe la kiitikadi?

Anna Mgwhira:
Dada Demere, Para yako ya mwisho imenigusa kwa sababu kama Mwenyekiti wa ACT - tunajaribu kuleta mambo mawili: Kwanza kuingiza mijadala ya Kiitikadi, falsafa, misingi na malengo ya kufanya siasa. 

Pili kuendesha siasa safi - ikiwezekana, kujikita katika mijadala ya kiitikadi na jinsi inavyoathiri ama kuhusiana na masuala ya jamii bila kuingiza mno mambo binafsi.

Changamoto kubwa tunayopata mpaka sasa kwa sehemu ya jamii ni suala la Falsafa ya Unyerere na dhana ya Ujamaa wa kidemokrasia. Suala kubwa ni watu kutoingia kwa undani kuchambua uwezekano ama kushindwa kwa dhana hii. 

Matokeo yake ni majibu ya mkato kuwa ujamaa hauwezekani, alishindwa Nyerere waweze wao, na wao ni kina nani nk... hakuna mjadala. 

Kama unavyosema pia kuwa "hapa kwetu mijadala ya kina kuhusu nafasi ya itikadi hii katika mageuzi ya kiuchumi unaoshirikisha walio wengi haisikiki vya kutosha ndani na nje ya vyama vya siasa-- je, hii ni dalili kwamba kuna ombwe la kiitikadi?".... Kwa sehemu nafikiri ni ombwe kwa kushindwa kujikita katika mijadala ya kiitikadi na sehemu nyingine ni kuhusisha itikadi na watu wanaoizungumza na kwa hiyo kuipuuza. 

Ndani ya chama tunaendesha kitu tunakita ideological classes ambamo kila siku ama wiki kunakuwa na kichwa cha kujadili. Hii imesaidia wanachama kuelewa na kujiingiza kwa undani katika uchambuzi wa Azimio na ilani ya uchaguzi ambayo imefupisha Azimio. Hata hivyo, bado haitoshi kupata kiwango cha undani wa uchambuzi kufikia kiwango cha kuweka mapendekezo ya sera kwa kila jambo. 

Azimio la Tabora linapendekeza mfumo wa uchumi shirikishi na jinsi ya kubomoa ama kuvunja na kuweka mfumo utakaoua makundi nyonyaji na hasa yanayotokana na watu kutumia nafasi za utumishi wa umma kujinufaisha na kuwa aina ya "economic cartels" ikiwa pamoja na wawekezaji wanaoingia katika mfumo huu kwa kukosekana usimamizi madhubuti wa serikali. 

Haya ni mambo magumu yanayotugusa wote na ambayo yangelazimisha mijadala ya kina sana kupata maana na kisha kutoa mapendekezo ya ubora ama udhaifu wake, pengine hata kutugawa katika makundi ndani ya mijadala, lakini hali haiko hivyo sana, labda itaongezeka kadiri inavyozungumzwa.


Tanzania-Saharawi Solidarity Committee (TASSC)

Saturday, July 18, 2015

Public Lecture on South Africa in Africa

South Africa’s apartheid past has remained to haunt its present, leading to questions about whether it is a messiah or mercantilist power in Africa. The damaging effects of the destabilization of the apartheid army which resulted in one million deaths and $1 billion in damages in the 1980s alone, continue to affect South Africa’s continental leadership ambitions. Likewise, its “beggar-thy-neighbor” mercantilist trade policies, economic sabotage, and dislocation have not been forgotten. This history has left profound scars on its neighbours and a distrust that even a black-led African National Congress (ANC) government will need decades to overcome. After 1994, Nelson Mandela led peacemaking efforts in Lesotho, the DRC, and Burundi (which he took over from Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere), and sought to promote human rights abroad, while reconciling his nation at home. He had a nasty spat over the SADC security organ with Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe, but shunned sending troops abroad.

Mandela’s successor between 1999 and 2008, Thabo Mbeki, was more prepared than Mandela to send peacekeepers abroad, deploying 3,000 troops to the DRC and Burundi, and increasing South Africa’s credibility. He also helped build the institutions of the African Union (AU), which, however, remain fledgling. Jacob Zuma assumed the South African presidency in 2009, having earlier taken over mediation efforts from Mandela in Burundi in 2002, assisted by Dar es Salaam. With Tanzania and Malawi, South Africa also led a 3,000-strong SADC intervention force into the eastern Congo in July 2013 – alongside a 20,000-strong UN peacekeeping force – which defeated M23 rebels four months later. While Mbeki forged a strategic partnership with Nigeria, Zuma has forged one with Angola which has increased South Africa’s influence within SADC.

Many African governments and people have, however, expressed unease about what they perceive to be South Africa’s protectionist trade and xenophobic immigration policies. There continues to be serious anger across Southern Africa at what is seen as South Africa’s use of its economic muscle to block other countries’ industrialization efforts. Namibia’s cement industry and Botswana’s car assembly plant have been cited as examples. Other neighbours have accused South Africa’s leaders of ingratitude after three decades of support for the ANC at enormous cost to their countries. Many Africans also complain about the aggressive drive by South Africa’s mostly white-dominated corporations in search of new markets north of the Limpopo. South Africa Inc. has established interests in mining, banking, retail, communications, arms and insurance, often with the active support of host governments. Local resentment has swelled in places like Tanzania, Kenya, and Nigeria.

Karibu kwenye ulingo wa kutafakari kuhusu tunapotoka,tulipo,tuendako na namna ambavyo tutafika huko tuendako/Welcome to a platform for reflecting on where we are coming from, where we are, where we are going and how we will get there

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